HISTORY AND LIFE STYLE OF MOUNDADAN CHETTIES
INDIGENOUS
COMMUNITY OF THE NILGIRIS
The Nilgiris is a famous place for it’s narural
settings and surroundings. In Nilgiri,
Gudalur is one of the taluks of this district. Though Ooty, the headquarters town of the district is a world
renowned place, the adjacent town and taluk of Gudalur is very very backward
educationally, economically and in the social status of the people. The Moundadan Chetties are one among the indigenous people of this locality
among their fellow tribal people namely Paniar, Kurumbars and Kattunaikers The tratitionl occupation of Moundadan
Chetties is agriculture in dry and wet lands.
They live in Padanthurai, Cherumulli, Sreemadurai, Gudalur, Devala,
Mudumalai and Nellakottai { Benna rea}
revenaue villages of the taluks of Gudalur and Pandalur taluks. The major part
of Mudumalai and Nellakottai {Benna area} are situated within the subsequently converted as wild life area of
Mudumalai. About 600 people in 120 families reside in Pulpalli village
of Wayanad district of Kerala state. Those who are living inPulpalli is said to
be the migrants from Gudalur in 16th century. As regards of marriage alliance these people
have to seek among 6000 in Gudakur and 600 in Pulpalli. Thugh they are indigenous people of Gudalur
taluk, we can see these people in Gudalur town during day time but not after
dusk. The reason for this is that they
do not have residential accommodation in Gudalur own nor do they have any shops
in the town.
Gudalur is very recently developed to the status of 3rd
Grade municipality. It is linking place
where roads fork into two, one leading to Mysore about 110 Kms and the other to
Calicut at a distance of 140 Kms. It is
50 Kms away from Ooty, the headquarters town of the Nilgiris. It is said that Gudalur belongs to Gudoor
ancestors one of the sub clans of Athuchetty clans among 24 clans of
Moundadadan Chetty and the name is gradually changed as Gudalur { Joing
village}.{ Koodal- joing-Oor- village or place}. The ancient temple shrine Vaneswari near the
new bus stand as at present in the town is the family deity of the above said
Gudoor sub clan of Athuchetty clans of the community. The Moundadadan Chetties and other indigenous
people depend upon Gudalur town for their day to day needs like provision,
medicines, clothing and jewelry.
When we look on the historic line, we cannot decide
for how-long these people live in Gudalur or from where they migrated to
Gudalur. It is clear from the above
notes that their civilization dates back to prehistoric. Gudalur once called composite Bayalnaadu {paddy field country} part of
which is the present Wayanad district of Kerala
was under the reign of kings of Mysore. The places which were occupied
by Ratter, Kadambas, Ganga castes, Hoysala empedrors, Governed under Chera
emperors dynasty. After the fall of
Vijayanagar Dynasty, the kings of Mysore Wadayar hierchy ruled thse
places. Subsequently during British
advent the area formed as Wayanad taluk of Malabar district in the composite
Madras Presidency in 1805for Revenue administration set up. During 1877 again a separate Nilgiri district
was constituted with part of Wayanad area of Malabar and Coimbatore districts
Viz. Coonoor taluk, Ooty taluk and Gudalur taluk. Gudalur is the part carved from Wayanad in
Malabar consisting former areas of Nambolacode amsam, Cherangode amsam, and
Moonanad amsm of Wayanad taluk.
OCCUPATION;-
The chief means of livelihood of Moundadan Chettyhasbeen
agriculture and cattle herding. Paddy,
cereals like millet, ragi were the crops cultivated. Apart from this banana, jack fruit guava,
orange were also grown for their home use but not marketing. Their settlements were always close to their
paddy fields and very simple ones made of hallow woody stems of bamboos and
branches of jungle trees and they used the hay stakes as materials for upper
and outer covering of the houses. Up to
1974, their right of ownership for land was denied and it was considered that
these lands owned by chetty people from time immemorial belonged to Kovilagam
of Thirumalpad of Nilambur. In the year
1969 dispossession of jenmam lands by land owners and enactment Ryotwary Act
{Act No. 24/69} was promulgated. After
strutting the Ryotwary Act., patta as assigned to land holdings basing of the
documental evidences for possession of the receipt for payment of lease to the
jenmi for the portion of the holding
denying the area around the
settlements used for growing temporary crops like millet, ragi mize etc. for
home use since they could not maintain valid documental evidences for such
holdings. Thus even though they had dry
lands in their possession, patta for this type of land was not assigned to
them. Now it is said that such of the
land have become the holding of the company estate owners who had established
the tea and coffee Estes during British reign. Subsequently sold to the big
companies of India after independence
LANGUAGE;-
Moundadan Chetty people have been speaking in a
corrupt form of Kannada a dual language of Malalayalam and Tamil. Some Telugu words are also mingled with their
dialect. They are able to converse with
Tamil, Malayalam and Kannadam apart from the tribal dialects of Paniar and
Kattunaikers who are their co- tribal people.
As their language does not have script they are unable toexpress their
ethos and thoughts to the officials who come for survey of the lands and their
values so also other basic needs with Government with their studied language
PROPERTY:-
As explained in the previous paragraph, the land in
their possession till 1974 were solely assigned to them. Now we shall develop for the information
about how their cultivated land became the property of others. They are all Siva devotees. The Moundadan Chetty peple who live in
Padanthurai, Cherumulli, Sreemadurai, Gudalur, Mudumalai and Devala villages worship Lord Siva in the
temple of Nambolakottai situated in the vicinity of the above villages which
was called as Nambolakottai amsan in olden days and in the ancient records. The
presiding deity is worshiped as Vettaikarumn {Vettai means Hunt} The Moundadan
Chetties an Badaga people who are on equal status with chetty people called
this place of worship as Kottaibetta also (Kottai means templ fort betta means hill top}. Let us see why Lord Siva is worshiped as
Vattaikaruman. There is a myth behind
this.
We have learned that before the beginning of the
Mahabaratha war between Pandavas and Kouravas , under the advice of Lord
Krishna, Arjuna went to a hill top to perform penance for obtaining Pasupasthra
{boon-arrow} from Lord Siva which is ideal to defeat Karna who was in the side
of Kouravas army. The place where
powerful and perseverance tapa was performed fro ambu { arrow} is supposed to
be called as Ambumalai { malai means hill in Dravidan Languages} Lord Siva,
before appearing before Arjuna had conducted a yst for penance under the guise
of hunter armed with bow and arrow cam to a place called Mookurthi in the
Nilgiri Hill range with his consort Parvathi Devi. They met Toda, the aboriginal tribes and made
friends with them. Pavathi felt thirsty
and asked her husband Siva to fetch some
water. There was no water nearby. Hence Lord Siva pressed his heel on the earth
and the water gushed out and became a pond.
After quenching the thirst of Parvathi Devi the water became a flow of
the pond which was chanalized by Lord Siva by his arrow to three directions
towards East, West and South. The stream
flow East called KelavathaPuzha, The stream towards West is believed as Pandiar
and the one towards South is supposed to the Bhavani {Puzha in Malayalam is river, Aaru in Tamil
is also means river). It is believed
that Thoda or Ththava of Nilgiri are friends of Lord Siva. Even today Tada peoples are honoured in the
annual rituals in the Nambolakottai.
From Mukurthi to the place of Arjuna`s penance, Lord Siva sent an arrow
to testify the severity of the penance.
There was fight between Lord Siva in the guise of hunter and Arjuna. While surrendering of Arjuna Lord Siva
appeaed before him and graced him with Pasupathastram. Thereafter Lord Siva disguised as a saint
went to the sheltyer of the devotee of Nambolan race. The saint was worshipping Siva and performing
daily offerings to the God. Lord Siva in
the guise of saint asked the poor devotee for cooked sweet rice {payasam} by
rraw rice, sweet and cow milk while his return from a dip in the pond
nearby. The devotee didn’t have source
for the sweet rice . He was in a
unfavorable situation as to what to do for cooking the sweet rice. To his surprise, he found a cow feeding her
calf from where he could get cow mil. While one astonished visitor supplied raw
rice and another r person supplied jaggery at that time. The sweet rice was
ready while the saint return from bath.
After taking the sweet rice the saint went up to a pillar of the shed
and disappeared from sight. Later it was learned by astrology that the saint
visited the place is none but Lord Siva who appeared to wish the welfare of the
indigenous people of this jungle area.
Even today daily offerings are made to the deity near
the pillar of the inside temple. As a
natural circumstances made Parvathi Devi to keep herself away from the company
of Lord Siva.. It is believed that, she was installed as Bhagavathi Amma in at
Manguzhi near Nambolakottai. And for the company one God is installed at
Chullikunnu as Utharalam Parathevathi and the other as Thlachan Parathevathai
just below the Nambolakottai shrine.
The list of undermentioned shrines worshiped in places
around Nambolakottai in the former Nambolakottai amsam are as fallows which are
the common sub deities for all clans of the Moundadan Chetties and other
indigenous people of this area.
|
1. Bommdevarayar Shirne
|
Mandakarai
in Mudumalai villagepresentlywithin
the wild life area
|
B.O.No.1452/3(Recorded File No.3216 dated 21-12-1936)
|
|
2.SriVetturayaswamy temple
|
Nambolakottai
|
B.O.No.
1453/2-7-37 ( Recorded File N
3222dated21-12- is not made
available for perusal
|
|
3.Paradevathai
Shrine Chullikunnu
|
nearPuthurvayalin
Sreemadurai Village
|
B.O.
No. 1454/2-7-37 (Recorded File No not kn
since not made available for perusal
|
|
4.
Bhagavthiamman temple
|
Manguzhi
near Puthurvayal in Gudalur Village
|
B.O.
No. 1455/2-7-37 ( Recorded File No3218dated 21-12-1936
|
|
5.Eswaraswamy
temple
|
KallinkaraiinCherumulliVillage
|
:B.O.No.1457/2-7-37 (Recorded FileNot known
since not made available
|
|
6.SriBhagavthiamman
temple Puthur in
|
Puthurvayal
in Gudalur Village.
|
B.O.
No. 1456/2-7-37 (Recorded File No. not
known since not made available
|
|
7. Mahvishnu Temple near
|
Puthurvayal
in Sreemadurai Village
|
B.O.
No. 1458/2-7-37 ( Recorded File No3221
dated 21-12-1936
|
|
8Aravalli Shirne
|
Aravalli
near Devala in Devala Village.
|
:B.O.No.1459/2-7-37( Recorded File
No3223 dated 21-12-1936
|
|
9 Vettakaruman temple
:
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Devala in Deval Village
|
B.O.
No. 1460/2-7-37 ( Recorded File No 3224
dated21-12-1936
|
|
10.
Mariamman Shrine
|
Thorappall in Gudalur
|
not
in the list available in HR&C
|
|
|
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1.
:
:
.
:
: (
Apartment from the above each clan have their own clan
deity at their origin. Out of 29 clans 5
have in extinct (vanished) and only 24 numbes now exist as if in other
communities.
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Sl.
No
|
Name
of the Clan
|
Originatin
and Family deity
|
|
01
|
Kee
Chetty
|
|
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02
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KelavathaGounda {MigrantromMysorein15thcentury}
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MariammanHallurand inThorappalliGudalurVillage
|
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03
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Puthu{Huthu}Chetty Uliamanjolai
|
ChundavayalBhagavathi, Uliamanjolaiin
PadanthuraiVillage
|
|
04
|
Kodi Chetty Kottaimedu
|
Bhagavathiat Kottaimedu and Paradevathi at
Nellikunnu in Cherumulli Village
|
|
05
|
CherumulliChetty, Moolacherumulli
|
Bhagavathi at Koundankolli in Cherumulli Village
|
|
06
|
Herur Chetty
|
Nellakottai Village Kandakaranan for Kiliangode
Chetty.
|
|
07
|
Kiliamgode Chetty
|
|
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08
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Elamballi Gounda
|
|
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09
|
Athu chetty (sub division Gudoor Chetty}at
Gudalur
|
Airavalli,Paradevathaiand Bhagavathiin Puliambara of
Padanthurai Village and Vanewari in Gudalur
|
|
10
|
Uthoor Chetty,Uthoor Hill
|
Bhagavathi at Udoor & Paradevathai InPuramanali at Gudalur
|
|
11
|
Chelukadi Chetty Chelukadi
|
Kalavattan Paradevathai in Chelukadi in
Padanthurai Village
|
|
12
|
Balunnu Chetty, Balunnu
|
Bhagavthi and Paradevathiin Balunnuin Padanthurai Village
|
|
13
|
Aithoor Chetty,
(Sub division Ariaakottai Gounda}
|
Bommadevarayar at Anjikunnu Paradevathai at Mangunnu in Cherumulli Village
|
|
14
|
Marakarai Chetty supposed to have been Bhagavathi,
in Marakrai and
|
Installedas Kodungaloor Bagavathi at Marakkaraiand
Paradevathi Thithamattamin Padanthurai
Village
|
|
15
|
Thithamottai Chetty
|
|
|
16
|
ElamalaiChetty,Elamalaimigrate to Chemundy
|
|
|
17
|
Kadambur Chetty, Kadambur
|
Bhagavathi and Paradevathai at Kadambu in
Cherumulli Village
|
|
18
|
Pulial {Hulal} Gounda, Pilialam said to have been
migrant of Hullhathi near Sholur
|
Bhagavathi at
Mndakamoola in Mudumalai
|
|
19
|
Kalladi Gounda, Kalladi
|
Bhagavathi at Kalladi and Kelavathamari at Hallur.
|
|
20
|
Elikkai Gounda, Elikkaimalai
|
Paradevathai in Elikkamalai in Mudumalai
|
|
21
|
Herukkalu Gounda, Herkalu
|
Perakkal Bhagavathi near Ponvayal, in Cherumulli Village
|
|
22
|
Nemmini Gounda Nemminii Is tmile
|
Bhagavathi at Kalikunnu and Madeswaram in
Manvayal Sreemadurai Village
|
|
23
|
Nandakalikunnu Nandakalikunnu
|
Paradevathai in Nandakalikunnu near Nandahatti
|
|
24
|
Nalappadi, Maanimoola
|
Bhagavathi,Durgai,Paradevathai Maanimoola in Sreemadurai Village
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
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Moreover we are in the apprehension that since
the members of the few clans
or fewer in number who
incourse of time mayexterminate. By this
means,
Moundadan Chetty people
worship their clan deities and community deiies at
Nambolakottai and shrines
surroundings near by as per their trational habits
As already explained the area was
Governerd by the local kings and Chieftain and the festivals and other customs are performed by
the Chetty people as the directions of the 5plu 8 principal clan’s elders who
are called as Nattukaramaikarar listed in 1 to 8 of Para above. In ordr to maintain the
Nambolakottai temple and shrines ner by they set aside a part of their yield
from agriculture. The following 5 clans
in Nambolakottai area and 3 in Benna area totao 8 clans had been respected by
all of their community for settlement of disputes, solemnizing marriages and
the management of temples and periodical rituals in their own trational mannerThe
above respected representatives are entrusted Governorscalled Nattukaraikarar.
To direct the public affairs of thepeople.
Southern side of the province of these people residents are mountainous
placesbeyond which Todas, Kottas and Badagas are living. During the festival times those peoplealsojoin
for celebrating the festivals of Nambolakottai and surrounding shrines. The
clans members other thanNattukaramai are called as Ooramaikarar During festivalstiyusld in temples, and other
traditionalfunctions the Kee Chetty fallowed by the other Nattukaramaikarars
are respected in the order in the occasions In solomizing marriages and death
ceremonies, Kee Chetty is considered the Governinghead of all among Moundadan
Chetty society.. Though the area was under over all management ofMysore kingdom
and latter Kottayam dynasty of North Malabar these chetty people who
maintainedthe temples and hamlets, they need an accountantant since all were
liberate and didn’t have script in their language. So they brought one person
calledMalayaran who ultimately took charge of the entiretemple and temple land.
In course of time there were disturbances of maraud freebooter fromErnad and Valluvanad {Presently in
Kerala} To defend from the freebooters Malayaran, alongwith the respected group
of Moundadan Chetties went to NorthMalabar and sought the help ofKeralavarma of
Kottayam in Malabar. By that time there
were war between Pazhasi,or PadingnareKovilagam {Western province} and the
Mysore kingdom. The representatives of
the Moundadan Chetties led by Malayaran sought the help of Keralavarma Raja
These people then approached Kurumbarnad Raja with their contribution of some
granaries , two smallballs one in gold and the other in mud and besseched him
to accept their gift and take overthe possession of Nambolakottai temple and
land called Nambolakottai amsam.
Accepting theircontribution and reque,
the king called his son and nephew and ordered them to take the balls by each.
He then ordered that one who took mud would take over the land and the other
one who took the goldenball would take over the temple affairs and asked both
of them to go over to Nambolakottai amsam with 100 Nair troops and settle there . They were later assigned the title of
Naduvazhi Vazhavannur by the chettypeople.Thus the Nambolakottai Desam held
sway by the Vazhavannur and became their family propertyThe Moundadan Chetty
and Tribals of the area became the subjects who were bound to pay the portion of
thegranary to the Vazhavannur as lease of the property. In course of time the descendent of the
Vazhavannur beame aristocratic and autocratic.
The people could not raise any question against his atrocity in the
cover of sever punishment for disobeying the orders of the Vazhavannur
family. Beheading and hanging the head
on the branches of Mango trees at Kamathi, and torture of keeping chain legged
without food or water days together at
Utharamattam were the capital
punishments imposed to the subjects.. Both the above places are in the vicinity
of Nambolakottai. It was also shameful incident that even newly married brides
were surrendered to the place for immoral sexual enjoyment as long as he get
other newly wedded woman for alternative enjoyment by force violating their
chastity. Such a way people suffered
untold hardships as slaves of the Chieftain. The descendants of these people in
the area became panic stricken when getting rid of matters by fear for
expression to outsiders even in the presnt generation perhaps heritors jeans. In course of time the Vazhavannur family dimissed
gradually by the fallowing events during the advent of BritishChandukutty
Vazhavannur exited from Areakode. To
meet the expenses towards his funeral ceremonies and some urgent needs, Orakkadavu
Vilamban Vazhvannur barrowed some money from Chouvakkaran Kunju Pakki of
Calicut bazzar. In lieu of certain
costly timber trees and paddy fields. On
expiry of term, Kelukutty Vazhavannur together with clerk {Kariasthan} Kuppu
Patter went to Calicut and stayed at Thazhiamnbalam and tried to settle the
dues but returned without result with a quarrel with the lender. This happened
in M.E. 1002 (1826) After filing a case in North Thukkidi civil court at
Calicut, signed an accord and settled the affairs for which a sum of 900 Panan from Damoori Kovilagam, 500 Pananm
from Pockancheri Kunju Chandu and 500 Panan from Anthony John Mastan of
Mangalore was barrowed. (4 Pannam is
equal to One Rupee.) In the circumstance
of not able to return the dues on expiry of the term, Kelukutty Vazhvannur
consulted the trustees of Nambolakottai ( all Moundadan Chetties}and according to their
belief heard the words of oracles and decided to lease certain rich forest area
near the gught and some paddy fields earmarked for the home deities of that
area. Accordingly Vazhavannur, Appu
Patter of Puthan vetil, Permal of Orakadavu Kelavatha Gounda Marakkara Villy Kodungalur Kutty { exeptin Appu Pattar all
were from Moundadan Chetty people} went to Nilambur in M.E. 1005 {1830} and executed
an agreement with Thirumalpad signed by all the above persons under the
following condition
a. Cutting and removing of the trees in
sandalwood and teakwood growing forest and share 50 each of the benefit both
side after meeting the expenses and
toll charges.
b. Two pieces of paddy fields
earmarked to the home deities and shrines of that area and share 50 per cent of
the benefit each after meeting the expenses towards rituals of the deities and
shrines.
As such the loan of Damoori
Kovilagam was settled on the spot and arrangements made to settle the dues of
the other parties.
But since the loan of Anthony John
Mastan was not settled which worked out to 632 Rupees, 12 Anna and 4 Chilly Paise
and documentation charge. of 8 Annas, he filed a suit in the Wayanad Munisif
Court at Wythri The court passed a degree
to auction the land for settlement of the dues.
One Suppu Pattar son of Appu Pattar from New Kalpathy village of
Phalghat was sent as an agent of Thirumalpad to participate in the public
auction. He obtained the land exrtending the area of 2 &1/2 lakh {Two and half} acres from
Nellakottai to Theppakaduincluse of Nambolakottai temple for Rs. 3000/- and
transferred the same to the Manavikraman Thirumalpad of the Thacharakavil,
Nilambur. This auction was held in 1836.
WhenSubadra W/o Orakkadavuvilamban,
and sister of Kelukutty, the lady Vazhavannur became widow, she was asked to
get away from temple premises of Nambolakottai to maintain the auspicesness .
Therefore she staying at Madiamparai House at Chullikunnu in Sreemdurai village
and the care of Chullikunnu Raman Chetty being the one of the Nattukaramaikarar
at that period.along with is minor son Govindan Kutt aged
12 years. One Vijan Pattar Kariasthan
{Clerk} of Nilambur Kovilagam had contact with this widow and she was induced
to move to Nilambur with her minor son for allegedly of unsound mind and for
natural treatment.where the later died in 1845 and the former in 1872. In the meantime Vinayan Manavikramn
Thirumalpad obtained the landed propertie of entire NMBOLKOTTAI AMSAM from Subadra
alleged to have been in unsound mind in a bond paper for a sum of Rs. 20000/-
or 80000 Panams. Which was registered as document No.77/03-12-1853.and in
Register No. 58/1853 dated 5-12-1853? wherin there is mention about the
particulars of the Nambolakottai Amsom having been bequeathed by Mysor Rulers
indicating the extension and boundaries of the land. The same details is
available in the park leaf manuscript seized from one of the Moundadadan
Chetty`s residence on 18-08-1989 and preserved in the Government museum Ooty.
The territory of Naambolakottai
Vettaikorumgam Paradevathai from central point of the temple premesises as sper
the inscription in palm leaves which was mentioned in the deed executed by Lady
Vazhavannur to Thirumalpad family are as follows:-
1. East =
6 gataham (24 miles} up to Pykara river.
2. West = 2gathams {8 miles} up to Paruthanjolai
3. South = 5 gathams {20 milwa} up to Neelathodu
4. North = 5 ½ gathams {22 miles} upto KarayakaniThere
was no signature of Subadra, the Lady Vazhavannur norlocaltrustees in the witness.
but one Vakil Chakku has signed in the deed on behalf of Subadra . After
hearing the rumors of the wicket deceit, the Moundadan Chetties among renowned
clans submitted two memoranda to the then District Collector of Malabar at
Calicut once on 18-03-1852 and another signed by 18 members in 1854. There was no response for the petitions of
the people. After obtaining the property
in a conspire manner from Subadra, the Thirumalpad family arrived to
Nambolakottai and called the cultivator of the Chetties and other and informed
about of the chance of tile for the property and asked either to surrender the earlier records of
their holdings to the jenmi and get fresh land holding documents from the jenmi
or to vacate the land cultivated . By
threatening of eviction forcibly many of the original records of holdings were
seized by the Jenmi and carried away and then the temple land was annexed to
jenmam property of Thirumalpad of Nlambur Kovilagam. And renamed as Jenmam
property of Nilambur Kovilagam Nambolakottai section { Cherikkal}. Thus the
entire right of the Moundadan Chetty and other indigenous people was usurped by
the jenmi.. During the Ist land
settlement in 1886, all proof of erstwhile holdings were taken over by the British administration
and land was treated as the property of Nilambur Jenmi who was the patta holder
and the poor cultivator from centuries together were treated as the bonded
tenents of the jenmi who are bound to pay lease to the jenmi on the cover of
maintenance of the Nambolakottai temple. In kind and cash. Later on the lease was to the family of the
Kovilgam as Chinna Thambatty, Srikumar Thmban, Lakshmi kutty Thambatti and so
many. The lease of land was restricted to maximaum of 12 years subject to the
renewal year after year. Parmanat structures of residence were banned to avoid creation
of basis for the permanent holdings. The
so called tenants have got patta for the wet portion of the land at the time of
implementation of Gudalur Jenmam Land Abolition Act 1969 in 1974 onwads subject
to production of receipt of Jenmis alone.
No other proof of holding was accepted and their right on the dry lands
was neglected.
Part of the land around the
settlements of Moundadan Chetties and tribals had been included in the lease by
the Jenmi to private companies for establishing coffee and tea plantations. The
rest of the area surrounded by the settlements of the Moundadan Chetties and Tribals
form part of Reserved Forest subsequently became wild life sanctuaries. Apart from the above few area have been kept
by the Jenmi as his private forest subsequently assigned to the persons in the
good book of the Jenmi for very few sum towards assignment charges according to
whims and fancies of the Jenmi. `` Thus the Jenmaam right above the ghat was a
crearion of British Administratin and the due to insufficient knowledge among earlier
officers of the true position of affairs.
However this may be the net up-shot of the enquiries was that, the three
amsoms comprising of the Nilgiri Wayanad, Nambolakottai was declared to be
Jenmam property of the Nilambur Kovolagam and thus rightly or wrongly the said
re-organization of the amsam as Jenmam property
became a fiat accompli as far as the English were concerned `` The Moundadan Chetties , Panias, and
Karrunailars are the undivided part and parcel of these area from time
immemorial, the only difference being the Chetties are not included in the
Scheduled tribals` list for want of detailed srudy when the constitution of
India was drafted including the list of people under Scheduled Tribal list. of
Indian Whereever the settlements of
Chetties exist, there will be the settlements of Panias or Kattunaikas . The language
spoken by one community can be understood and spoken by other groups
too, even up to this day, whih prove their co- existence. Few lands were full of bushes and were
covered with tangled vegetation. Being liberate and fear of violating the rules,
Chetty people were unable to cultivate the land beyond the cultivated lands as
it was said to be the waste lands of the big company estates. Thid is the history of how the land in their
possession of others and this people became the subhects of Jenmi of Nulambur
Kovilagam. Above all, nobody have come forward to guide
this poor uneducated people within the
jungle, while the retires workers of the adjacent company estates with the
moral support of their own flew citizen and company management encroached the
bushes to form smaller tea gardens..
Nevertheless, the tribals were used as the outfit to clear the bushes by
this encroachers among the settlers. The
house holds of Moundadan Chetty people are generally called as follows:
Hally (house
Holds):-
{1}Thorahalli (Now Thorapalli) (2) Athuhalli (Now
Athipali) {3} Nagahalli (New Nagamballi} {4}Hulhalli{Now Pulpalli} {5}
Jadahalli, {6} Madhahalli {7} Kongahalli {8} Molahalli {Now Molappalli etc.
Kolly (Swamp area}
{1}
Hanthikolli {Panthikolli} {2} Bachikolli {Vachikolli} {3} Chembakolli {4}
Naivalkolli {5} Mundakkolli {6} Ambakolli {7} Machikolli {8} Koundangolli {9}
Hulukolli (Now Puzhukolli {10} Chundukolli {11} Bollarankolli {12} Golikolli
etc.
KANDY (Places of single dwellings :-
{1} Moochikandy {2} Mangakandy {3} Kuppachikandy {4}
Pathrakandy (5) Halasukandy (Now Pilakandy {6) Kalakandy {7} Kapukandy {8}
Kaealikandy (9) Moorthikandy etc.
OOR
(Place name when house in a hamlet is built.}
{1}
Mukkur {2} Gundur {3} Hallur {4} Kadambur {5} Gudalur {6} Huthur {Puthur} {7}
Uthur {8} Killur {9} Kollur {10} Hosur etc.
VAYAL {Paddy Fields}:-
{1}
Chundavayal {2} Moolavayal {3} Moopuvayal (4) Ponvayal {5} Alavayal (6)
Kanianvayal {7} Manvayal {8} Manavayal {9} Machivayal {10} Vadavayal (11}
Vedanvayal etc
KARAI {Houses built on higher side adjoining the
field}:-
(1)
Machikarai {2} Marakkrai {3} Pediakarai {4} Mandakarai {5} Nellikarai {6}
Kallingarai etc.
KUNNU (Hilltop)
{1}
Valiakunnu {2} Nambikunnu {3} Nellikunnu {4} Nelliangunnu {5} Anjikunnu {6}
Mundakunnu {7} Athikunnu {8} Mangunnu {9} Kalikunnu etc.
KUNI
{Jusr upper side of the wet land where irrigation facility is scarce}:-
{1}
Kottaikuni {2} Athikuni {3} Thumbakuni {4}
etc.
Both Moundadan Chetties and other indigenous
communities now classified as Trabal people reside in the places mentioned
above. In the nevenue reords are also maintained as such for example {1} Chundavayalkunnu {2} Mundakollikunnu {3}
Marakaraikunnu (4) Thithamattakunnu {5} Alavayalkunnu {6} Orumadakunnu {7} Cheppattikunnu
{8} Machivayalkunnu {9} Nagalivayalkunnu {10} Angankalarikunnu etc.
Both Moundadan Chetties and Trabal people reside in
the places mentioned above. In the nevenue reords are also maintained as such
for example {1} Chundavayalkunnu {2} Mundakollikunnu {3} Marakaraikunnu (4)
Thithamattakunnu {5} Alavayalkunnu {6} Orumadakunnu {7} Cheppattikunnu {8}Machivayalkunnu
{9}Nagalivayalkunnu {10} Angankalarikunnu etc.
POPULATION;-
The population of the Moundadan Chetty does not grow
vastly comparing the other communities from the past 200 years. The reason for this may be stated as falows:-
1.Most
of the children died for Maaria due to the lack of knowledge of the parent since the area was
2. Deaths
due to plague and Cholera. Sufficient
medical and preventive measures were unknown to these people inthishillregion.
3. The sickle cell anemia among the majority
of the population was unnoticed up to very recent period by which the per cent
of age survival of the children born was very meager death.
4. For want of proper education and lack of
awareness on the importance of education, instead of depending upon medicine there
are superstitious beliefs of witches sorcery and devils for the cause of death.
5. Deaths occurred during the regn of Hyder
Ali and Tipu Sulthan and Vazhavannur king.
After violation of chastity by self immolation by rigorous punishments
like beheading and torturing by chain legged and also due clashes between
freebooters and defendants.
6. A few women died of violation of chastity
when deaths of husbands caused the women also to end the life due to poverty and lack of support by the
relatives.
7. Lack of interrelationship between other
communities for betterment of life
style
8. Undergoing birth control during recent
period by the awareness of inability in bringing up the uncontrolled births due
to scarcity of sources for survival in the absent of alternative job.Previous and present social status comparative
social analyses:-
Though the place where Moundadan Chetties lived was
malaria prone, they did not migrate to fertile localities In contrast they
cultivated the lands by removing bushes, thorny areas which was an arduous task
undertook by these people. It is said
that recorded evidences are available in the District Gazetter that Badagas who
were the leading agriculturists of the upper plateau were directed by the
British administration to move about to Gudalur area in the lower plateau
and to settle there. But Badaga people did not agree for this and
made a prtest before the district collector.
They said that they would not go over to Gudalur even if they were shot
dead or beheaded. They had understood
that they would die if they migrate to the malaria prone Gudalur. When they forced to move to lower plateau
they staged a strike before the collector's office and told that they would not
budge an inch. While the Badags refused to migrate to Gudalur area , the
Moundadan Chetties lived in this area withstanding the sever unhealthy climatic
conditions and difficult situations prevailed fighting with pets and vermis.
They struggled against difficulties and the bushes around the knolls were made
into cultivable lands by their hard effort.
But the cultivated lands adjacent to their dwelling places were included
in the lands leased to the English company estates without the consent of the
inhabitants. These lands should be
alleviated and assigned to the Moundadan Chetties and tribal people of the same
locality. Taking into the consideration
of hardship, truthfulness and faithfulness of the Moundadan Chetties Government
should assign pattas to them. In regard
to protection of places such as public burial grounds grazing land, places of
water resources the people are always ready to co-operate with the Government.
The Nilambur Kovilagam gave their cultivable lands to
the Moundadan Chetty people as on lease basis.
The Europeans were allowed to raise coffee and tea plantations in the
vast area. Some part of the land was
treated as reserved forests and handed over to Government which is now well
known Mudumalai Wild Life sanctuary. The
rest of the dry land was owned by Nilambur Kovilagam and maintained as their
private forest area. During abolition of
the right of possession of land by Jenmi, the Moundadan Chetty people did not
carry out the rain fed cultivation with a view to improve their standard of
life. Instead the other people of the plains of Malabar stared arriving to
Gudalur and with the help of the Jenmi obtained major part of the dry lands and
started cultivating the dry crops and subsequently converted into small tea and
coffee estates. In the year 1972 Government made the Mudumalai reserved forest
as wild life sanctuary. In the year 1974 implemented the Jenmam Land Abolition
Act (1969) and introduced Roythwary system Durin this p[eriod Government gave
lands to Moundadan Chetty people inside the sanctuary for cultivation and
residential occupations. The land in
possession for which patta was assigned was now under threat of replacement by
the wild life authorizes on the plea of preservation of wild life. Had the compensated
land out side the area of proposed wild life in 1972 itself on
the outskirts in lieu of the holdings inside the forest assigned during
theImplementation of Janmam Land Abolition Act the present situation of
rehabilitation of these people with patta land holdings would not arise.
During establishment of plenty of tea and coffee
estates in 18th and 19th century around the habitations
of the Moundadan Chetties and tribals, lot of lab ours had been brought from
the plains of composite Madras Presidency instead of engaging the local
inhabitants consequently the chance of becoming members of the company lab ours
entitled for the retirement benefits enacted in subsequent period had lost.
Those benefits were available for the settlers arrived during latter
periods. The educational assistance
medical facilities availed by the members of company estates were denied to the
local inhabitants even though they were born and bred in this unhealthy region.
By this way also the educational and social status of Moundadan Chetties could
not improve in accordance with the modernization of the life style of the World
Traditional Culture customs
and Creed
When a girl attains puberty, a ceremonial function
will take place. This is unique among this
community. On the day of maturity, the
wife of the maternal uncle will pour saffron water on her for washing the
body. The pollution will be observed for
not less than 11 days. After the bath,
the girl will be seated on a vessel in a shelter set aside separating the main
house. The relatives and friends will
present her with gift and delicious eatings.
The ceremony will be solemnized like marriage. The special cake made of rice floor with ghee
will be provided along with the ceremonial feast. This cake is unique an as 'THAMBUTTU' After
puberty the arbitrators will sit together to work out details by observing of
the horoscope of the girl. The
auspiciousness of the days of attaining puberty will also be taken into account
for good or bad matching of the future married life. After the marriage
alliance the betrothal will take place in bride's house in a grand manner. The total expenses are met out by the bride's
family. It will be a grand celebration
up to half of wedding. Many and unique
social formalities have been adopted in the marriage ceremony like erecting the
pandal posts., cutting of plantain
for ripping to the special occasion, lighting of lams, measuring a bags of
paddy to bride' family by the bridegroom and offering certain amount to the
maternal uncle in lieu of his expenses for ornaments provided to the bride
prior to the main function of tying the thalee. A pandal erected in front of the main house
with 12 number of green bamboo posts will be the stage for the marriage. Two hanging lamps will be lighted with oil
and ghee for brightening the stage the lamps will be burning without breakup up
to downing the lamps by the elders of clans of the bride and bridegroom. This
is the close of the function. Such stage is considered as a temple until the
hanging lights are downed.
An elderly man an woman from the bridegroom's family
will go over to the bride's house on the previous day for bringing the
bride. Unless the relatives and the
mediator arrive, the bride will not be brought voluntarily. So the visit of the
groom's family members is a must. Before she leaves her parents with her bag
and baggage, the bride will offer prayers for the family deity and with deep
bowing and touching the feet of the elders expressing her respect after providing
betel and betel nut to each one and gets
the wishes of the elders. After that,
she leaves the house along with all her family and neigh burs to the wedding
place. All will lead a procession up to
the groom's house where the marriage ceremony is celebrated. The eldest of the
groom's clan and the eldest woman of the same clan will receive the marriage
party by giving water to be touched by each. Now a day the function is cut
short in one day and vehicles are arranged for the journey. In the mean time, early
in the morning of the wedding the bridegroom prays for his family deity and
elders in the marriage pandal, proceed to the traditional home temple at
Nambolakottai accompanying with a boy for help.
He will take bath in the temple tank, worship the Vettaraswamy deity
after a special pooja is performed on behalf of the bide and groom by the
priest of the temple for their welfare and return to the wedding stage with the
priest of Nambolakottai. The priest will carry with him garlands stringed by
him. In the marriage stage, the groom will arrive to the stage first get the
blessing of the priest and get the auspicious holy water and sandal paste from
him and sit. At the auspicious time the girl follow the same performance. The priest had her over a garland who will
come round the groom three times and
place the garland. Immediately the priest hands over another garland to the
groom who places the same of the neck of the bride and sits nearby. The priest
hands over the thalee to the groom. He
will tie the same around the neck of the bride by the groom in the presence of
all assembled. The seating of the couple will be bride on the left and groom on
the right side. After that the bride is
directed to offer bettel and bettel nut
to the groomand worship him. In turn the grooms also provide same to the bride
and both will stand up. After the hand
of the bride is placed to the groom while holy water is poured by the priest
and tyhe couple will come round the
stage three times. After usual worshiping and grand to the priest, the newly
married couple will enter the house where special feast prepared exclusively
for the couple is served. In the feast
there are funny plays between the couple between by exchanging handful of
cooked rice among them. Little children
either male or female will sit together for the special dinner. After the special dinner (THUPPAKUVU or ghee rice) is the main
feast will be served to the guests.
Before arrangement for the seating water will be offered calling for the
feast to the elders of each clans of the community in the order of Kee Chetty
first follwed by Kelvatha Goundan, Huthu Chetty, Kodi Chetty, Cherumulli Chetty
and so on there after to the other castes of the assembled party. Before
conclusion of the day's ceremony, hand of the bride is placed by the clan head
of the bride's group with statuary words for the long life with all the bests
and by throwing rice mixed with saffron on both of the couple to disperse the
bad evils and the hanging lamps are downed. On the night there are customs like
bringing water first time from the well or farm by the bride, lighting the
lamp, bathing the groom by the bride serving the deep fried sweets to the
guests are important customs observed.
On the next day or succeeding auspicious day the couple again visit the
Nambolakottai temple and perform a pooja and visit to worship their family
deity shrines and allowed to a special room for the first night.
BIRTH CEREMONY:-
During pregnancy, on the seventh month, after
providing ghee and curd rice to the family and neighbors of the bride, she will
be taken to her maternal home for delivery and rest. Usually the Pania woman is the midwife. Eleven days pollution is observed during
delivery. The mother and baby will be
kept in a separate sub-house nearby during delivery. In 9th or 11th days
after child birth, according to the convenience the after bathing will be placed bare bodied on the plantain leaf on
the threshold of the house with an oil lamp with small heap of cow dung and
auspicious grass (Arugampul). In turn the aunt of the baby (That is sister
in relation) of the baby's father take the baby inside and wear the dress to
the child. After handing over the baby
inside, the mother will go for bath and enter into the main house with wet
dress and change her fresh dress. There
will be feast hoisted to the people assembled.
DEATH CEREMONY:-
In the death ceremony, there are ceremonial
practices. Normally elder ones are
burned while younger are buried. They
take care about old aged persons during death.
At the time of losing the soul, cow milk or pure water and golden
ornament are put in the small vessel and little of the liquid either milk or
pure water is fed into the mouth. A light will be lighted and staged the head
and leg sides of the corpse. A coconut
will be broken and kept on the head side.
The message of death will immediately be sent to the relatives through a
Pania servant. Wherever the news is
delivered, a certain quantity of paddy is given to the messenger from each of
the houses. Midday meals are served to the messenger at the lunchtime in one of
the relative's house. Action for carrying the body to the grave yard will be
arranged in the mean time. Either
cutting of wood for burning or digging the pit for burial will be undertaken by
the Panaya servants with the help of Chetty youths. Only after the arrival of
the messenger action to be taken far carrying the body just to confirm the
serving of the message. Special makeshift structure with green bamboo stripes
will be fabricated by the mourning people for carrying the corpse to the grave
yard for cremation. New cloths will be wrapped on the corpse by the
relatives. After measuring certain
quantity of paddy to the Pania servant and fetching fresh water by three female
members from the nearby water source, little of the water will be sprinkled by
the female relatives on the feet of the body and come round the corpse before
carrying to the grave yard by the male members. After completion of the
customary rites by the body will be placed on the special makeshift structure
and then carried to the grave yard. The
sons of the deceased will sholder and lead in the front of the structure.
Others will fallow in the back side.
Grains of Navadhaniyam (drt of
nine grains) are poured through out the passage up to the grave yard. The male mambers will do the rites as done by
the female members in the house. The
body will then be laid on the special kin-like stage which will be kindled by
the son or in his absence the close blood relative for burning. In the case of burrial , after laying the
corpse in the deep pit three handful of soil will be put in the pit by the
eldest person of the clan of the deceased fallowed by sons and others. Pollution for 16 days be be observed After
daily rituals commencing from the day fallowing cremation up to sixteen days.,
holy water fromNamblakottai called Nablineeru (Neeru= water) i.e. water from Nambolakottai
is called Namblineeru is brought and sprinkled all over the house and
surroundings. Till the pollution is over after sprinkling the holy water the
family deity's temple and the house of the clans will not be lighted with oil
lamps. Non-vegetarian will not be included in the diet till sixteen days the
days of pollution. During marriages and death ceremony music of the Kurumbas
are played;.
The leading respected 5+ 3 clan's elders of
the community will decide about the activities of marriages and death
ceremonies. The eight members as they
area mediators in the society are regarded in all the celebrations and
ceremonies. There was provision for
diverse and remarriages in the tradition of the community people. After the death of young ones of a male, the
widow can remarry one of the brothers of the deceased husband if she deserves
or will return to her native home of birth and live with her parent or brothers
until she wishes to remarry with other among the community or continue as a
widow in her parent's home. The children will be looked after by the brothers
of the deceased. In fact it is the right
of the brother to take care of the widow and her children to avoid expulsion
and suffering with outsiders. The
divorce also can remarry. The respected
8 members will decide the prospects and progress of the society.
ASSOCIATION WITH OTHER INSIGENOUS PEOPLE;-
The tribal people like Pania and Kurumba, live with
these people all along their existence in this region. Considering in mind that these poor tribal
people would spend their daily wages
at-once, the part of their wages would be given in kind to the works retaining
the balance for their future during lean period. Even lean period these tribes are fed by the
Chetty people without getting works from them.
It was the bounden duty of each family to take care of assigned trines
also as if their family members and in turn tribes are bound to work for that
particular chetty family and share the yields.
The wages in kind as paddy was paid in the middy itself and preparation
of the diet before extracting in the after noon. The time of work in the field was very
limited and simple say about 3 hours in the fore noon and 2 hours in the after
noon. In the remaining leisure time
between working hours in the day, these labours will do their work in their
residence such as pondering their paddy being paid in kind and fetching
firewood for cooking and selling to others and also enjoying their traditional
music and dance.
SCHEDULE F WORK IN THE FIELD WAS AS FOLLOWS:-
During winter, the work would begin by 8.00 A.M. and
11.00 and in the afternoon from3.30m to 5.30 PM.. During rainy season, the
timing would be from 9.00 to 12.00 according to the nature of work. In the afternoon the timing would be from
2.00 to 4.00 P.M. since the bullock should be grazed from 6.00 A.M. to 9.00 A.M.
in the morning and 4.00 to 6, 00 P.M. in the evening after being unyoked and
rested in the sheds. The people both men
and women would work along with their farm labours in the field. Those who graze the bullock in the morning an
evening and who do spade work in the field are fed the break fast in the
owner's house. Others are fed in the
midday an in the evening after work. The
midday meals provided will be sizeable quantity and is carried to their
residence for the whole family members till their own food is prepared after
pondering the paddy into raw rice. Women servants who do pondering work to the
owner's house are fed three time in there itself and the labourer is
compensated by measuring a portion of the rice not less than 4
measurs of the pondered rice apart from feeding the children accompanying the
mothers. Men for plaguing and spade work were paid 5 measurs of paddy and women
for plucking and transplanting were paid 3 measurs as wages. Temporary watch sheds called pally were erected in the paddy field
and crops guarded staying in those sheds by adult male members of chetty and
farm labours in the night. The wet beds
across the field would-be planted by the female servants during transplanting
and entire yield from such beds were their property while harvest. During threshing of the heaps of the yield,
grains in the lower portion are the property of the male servants. During winnowing for removal of chaffs, the
grains sided to the heaps would be the property of the servants should not be taken
by the land owner. While bundling the stalks into small sheaves also the grains
accumulated are the property of the female servants. Those were bonus availed by the
servants. Two bits of highest yield of
the paddy would be provided to each of the servants' family for guarding the
crop in the watch sheds and also harvesting the paddy by the female members.
Apart from these, the horticulture yields like jack fruit guava, green chilly
mango banana are carried over by the servants for their residence for home use
as is those were the common property of both the land owner and the
servants.
The leading respected 5+ 3 clan's elders of
the community will decide about the activities of marriages and death
ceremonies. The eight members as they
area mediators in the society are regarded in all the celebrations and
ceremonies. There was provision for
diverse and remarriages in the tradition of the community people. After the death of young ones of a male, the
widow can remarry one of the brothers of the deceased husband if she deserves
or will return to her native home of birth and live with her parent or brothers
until she wishes to remarry with other among the community or continue as a
widow in her parent's home. The children will be looked after by the brothers
of the deceased. In fact it is the right
of the brother to take care of the widow and her children to avoid expulsion
and suffering with outsiders. The
divorce also can remarry. The respected
8 members will decide the prospects and progress of the society.
ASSOCIATION WITH OTHER INSIGENOUS PEOPLE;-
Other tribes like Pania and Kurumba, live with these people
all along their existence in this region.
Considering in mind that these poor tribal people would spend their daily wages at-once, the part of their
wages would be given in kind to the works retaining the balance for their
future during lean period. Even lean
period these tribes are fed by the Chetty people without getting works from
them. It was the bounden duty of each
family to take care of assigned trines also as if their family members and in
turn tribes are bound to work for that particular chetty family and share the
yields. The wages in kind as paddy was
paid in the middy itself and preparation of the diet before extracting in the
after noon. The time of work in the field
was very limited and simple say about 3 hours in the fore noon and 2 hours in
the after noon. In the remaining leisure
time between working hours in the day, these labours will do their work in
their residence such as pondering their paddy being paid in kind and fetching
firewood for cooking and selling to others and also enjoying their traditional
music and dance.
Men for plaguing and spade work were paid 5 measurs of
paddy and women for plucking and transplanting were paid 3 measurs as
wages. Temporary watch sheds called pally were erected in the paddy field
and crops guarded staying in those sheds by adult male members of chetty and
farm labours in the night. The wet beds
across the field would-be planted by the female servants during transplanting
and entire yield from such beds were their property while harvest. During threshing of the heaps of the yield,
grains in the lower portion are the property of the male servants. During winnowing for removal of chaffs, the
grains sided to the heaps would be the property of the servants should not be
taken by the land owner. While bundling the stalks into small sheaves also the
grains accumulated are the property of the female servants. Those were bonus availed by the
servants. Two bits of highest yield of
the paddy would be provided to each of the servant's family for guarding the
crop in the watch sheds and also harvesting the paddy by the female members.
Apart from these, the horticulture yields like jack fruit guava, green chilly
mango banana are carried over by the servants for their residence for home use
as is those were the common property of both the land owner and the
servants. In order to speed up the
transplanting work there were customs of group farm work. All people
nearby with their servants and pairs of bullocks for plaguing would work together. The male members will plough the land
and prepare the beds for transplanting while female members pull the
seedlings in the nursery and make bunches in the forenoon till the beds are
ready and do the transplanting work in the afternoon. would be done in group. During such group farming there would be music played by
the Pania musicians with small drums and pipe . These are called as thudi and cheena . During intermittent time
the female servants dance according to the tunes of the music to
get away the tiredness during the continuance work The Caption leaders extracting work
and the musicians would be paid better than the workers as per their hereditary
and customs After
finishing off the group farming work there would be payments in plenty by kind
as paddy and food to eat and o carry to the huts. These type of work is called as KAMBALAM In the areas wherever Panias
are not living and Kattumaikas inhabit the same works were undertaken among
chetties and Kattunaikans. The Kurumbas did not participate in the farm work in
the wet lands but were engaged in shifting cultivations. The Kurumbas were
asked to make house hold articles such as baskets, winnows filtering baskets
etc. They exchanged their
goods with Moundadan Chetties for paddy or ragi through barter. On important occasions such as
festivals and rejoicing they would perform music drum beating and dance with each
other chain round. The
Kottas and Toda caste would also participate in the festivals in the
Nambolakottai temple on selected occasions along with Chetties Pania and Kattunaiker . Badaga
people from upper plateau also joined for Nambolakottai festivals.
NOTABLE
BENEFITS GRANTED TO THE SERVANTS AT THE TIME OF HARVEST FOR THEIR WORK AND
SHARE IN THE FIELD:-
1. Two part of the best yield segments of the field would
be selected and allotted to a couple of labour. This was a special favor granted to the
male servant for keeping watch over the paddy field at night and for female servant for transplanting the seedlings. The seedlings transplanted on the edge of the raised
beds it it
is fund mustering would be the property of the female servant during
harvest. The
same would be set off while harvesting.2. While winnowing for separation
of chaff from grains the paddy falling down on the margin of the heap
of grains were taken by the worker. The landowner does no have authority on such grains
3 The
grains found under the heaps of sheaves were given to the servants as a free
gift while threshing. 4. While bundling the dry stales into small sheaves , the
grain underneath are the property of the female servants.5. At the rest after work in the field, jack fruit and
tender jacks, guava, bunch of banana, unripe mangoes would be carried over
by them without any restriction.6. Chilies, pumpkins grown in the garden can be carried
away by the servants for cooking.7. It was the duty of the chetty landowner to supply
tobacco and salt brought from shops to the servants neither visit towns nor
able to purchase for cash which was scarce to them during those days.8.
During festival occasions, betel and betel nuts jingly oil etc. would be
provided to the servants.9. One day on a week normally on Saturday the servants
would be paid in cash for meeting their urgent needs or allowed to work with others for cash payment.10. On the
marriage occasions and festivals a part of the meals prepared fruits etc. would
be set aside exclusively for the servants to enjoy the celebration. This concession is considered for their service during
funerals of Chetty people
FESTIVALS :
Moundadan Chetties adopt Hindu festival embarrassing
the Malayalam culture like Onam, Vishu. Besides they have their own traditional festival like
Sankaranthi on the la day of Aadi (Karkadakam) Puthari on 10th day of Iyppasi (Thulam) , Ucharlu on the 27th day ofThai (Makaram) and on every new moon days offerings
to the soul
of ancestors in the traditional way with vegetarian or non vegetarian
dishes boiled
or fried different type of cakes for the soul. in the nights. After
celebrating the Onam and Vishu festival the newly married couple up to certain period
visit the parents of the wife’s family for worshiping the elders and
for special
feasts .
TRADITIONAL FESTIVALS IN THE TEMPLES
The following are the regular and periodical rituals
performed in the Nambolakottai Vetakoruman temple and Manguzhi Bhagavathi Amman
temple, and the Bommadevarayar temple at Mandakarai in Mudumalai in traditional
manner by the Moundadan Chetty community irrespective Titular of the overall
management of the area. For the
management of the temples in the absence of our inability with a limited number
of population and having no script for their language, they had to adopt of the
Malayalam way of performing the rituals administration from the time
immemorial.
NambolakottaiVettaikaruman
temple
1.Puthari Festival
on 10th
of Thulam(Iyppasi) month of every year( Harvesting of tender paddy grain and
offering to the God) Harvesting of the tender paddy grain from Puthurval near
Gudalur by the Adivasi Pania people with music and dance and bringing with
music dance and the Oracles up to Namolakottai temple by a procession lined up by several people with the music of
Kotas and shouting of Todas also and palace the heap of the tender grain in the
lower temple which will then be carried over to the upper temple by the priest
of the temple and offered to Idol of NambolakottaiVettaikaruman every year
(Object and Belief is that before growing the grains to ripe the tender
grins are offered to the God and seek the grace of the almighty to grace for
good harvest and to grace their livelihood for the ensuing period of the year
2. Pattu-Ootta Festival of the 5 leading Clans of
Moundadan Chetty Community
On behalf of all clans of the community and the tribal
people associated with them for their welfare and for good harvest and also the
welfare of their livestock On 16th to20th of Vrischikam
(Karthigai) month of every year by each clans among 1.Kelavatha Gounda on (16th),
2..KeeChetty on (17th), 3. Puthu Chetty on (18th), 4.
Kodi Chetty on (19th) and
5.Cherumulli Chetty on 20th) days respectively at their own
cost without collecting anything from others. Three time Poojas and lightings
of all oil lamps round the temple and the lamp stone in from of the temple (Object and Belief):Offering of the harvested
agricultural yield to the God and pray for the welfare all people and livestock
3. Pridistai Festival On 23rd of Meenam (Panguni) of
every year
Opening of the door in the Western threshold of the
temple only once in a year Three time Pooja in the temple and illuminating the
oil lamps all over the temple premises and coming round the temple three times
by the devotees lead by the priest of the temple with idol on the elephant and the leading 5 clans of Moundadan Chetty
Community and finally on three times by
the devotees idol being mounted on the elephant's back and the
leading 5 clans of Moundadan Chetty Community with traditional lamps and
ornaments of the God and finally open the Western threshold by the priest at Sunset time for worshiping which is
held only once a year in a that particular day (Object and Belief): Remembering the day of
installation of the Idol in the present temple building and group prayer of the
people of the locality for their welfare free from ailment and for the welfare livestock and timely rain for
good harvest and also good cultivation in the field. in the ensuing season
ManguzhiBhagavathiammantemple
04. Chillanam
Festival of Moundadan Chetties in Manguzhi Bhagavathiamman temple.
Any convenient day of Tuesday or Friday of Meenam
(Panguni) every year, on the auspicious day 15 days prior to the main festival
cutting of plantain from selected house in the vicinity of the temple and carrying of tender coconut areca nut and
butte and betel nut all from one selected house from Mysore area (Now locally
available) and bringing to the temple on the previous day carried by
Nalapadi Clan person fallowed by all Clanlined up in procession
with Oracle of Bommadevarayr which is being received by the Oracle of
Manguzhi Bhagavathi Amman at the
entrance of the temple and offered to
the Goddes on the next day by the
priest in the presence of the 5 Clans of
Moundadan Chetty Community in traditional manner (Object and Belief): Praying
for the welfare of the people of the locality and livestock and timely rain for
good harvest and protection from sickness
and timely rain and good harvest and the welfare of the livestock
05. Breaking of Coconuts by the Moundadan Chetty
Community.
On any convenient day in Meenam (Paguni) or Mesham
(Chithirai) preferably Tuesday or Friday every year breaking of as many numbers
of Coconuts by the Oracle of Bhagavathi Amman and praying for the welfare of
the people of the locality and livestock and timely rain for good harvest and
protection from sickness to Community in
traditional manner in the presence 5 Clans of Moundadan Chetty Community of
praying for the welfare all local people and timely rain ,good harvest and
welfare of the livestock
06.Chillanam
in Bommadevarayar shrine Mandakarai in Mudumalai still maintained by Moundadan Chetty Community
One of the convenient day in the month of Meenam
(Panguni) or Chitharai (Mesham) every year or alternative year cutting of
plantain on the auspicious day 15days prior to the main festival carrying of
tender coconut areca nut betel and betel nut from one selected house from Mysore area (Now locally available from
one house all the selected products and bringing to the temple on the previous
day carried by a person from Elikkai Clan
of the community fallowed by all by procession with Oracle of Bommadevarayar to Mandakarai
in Mudumalai and offered to the God in
the traditional manner (Object and
Belief): Praying for the welfare of the people of the locality and livestock
and timely rain for good harvest and protection from sickness
As this community does not have the copy of the order
about the traditional right over these temples the evidence to this effect has
now been procured by us by availing the provisions of the Right to Information
Act, 2005. But in spite of our Endeavour availing the provisions of the Right
to In while furnishing details about other smaller temp the original Suit file
No.229 of 1932 but willfully suppressed the Order No 3222 dated 21-12-36
relating to the Main temple of Nambolakottai Vettakoruman temple while
furnishing details about other smaller temples viz. Bommadevar temple
Mandakarai in Mudumalai (3216 dated 21-12-36), Manguzhi Bhagavathiamman temple
near Gudalur (3218 dated 21-12-36), Srikrishna temple Puthurvayal (3221 dated
21-12-36) Aravilli temple Devala (3223 dated 21-12-36) and
Vettaikarumam..Pertinently, the subsequent ex-parte order dated 12, July 1937
canceling the earlier order No.3222 dated 21-12-36 is argued to be illegal,
arbitrary and has been passed mechanically absolutely without application of
mind, and the issue of the owner ship of the Nambalakottai temple has to be
enquired once again. They now claim from the H.R& C.E. Departyment to
provide a copy of the order passed in the original Suit in Original Application
229 of 1932 dated 21.12.1936, it is just and necessary that they have to be
served with a copy of the same since they are the necessary party to the issue
of the Nambalakotta temple. Pertinently, the subsequent ex-parte order dated
12, July 1937 is per se unsustainable and is ab-initio null and void and
illegal, is Arbitrary and has been passed mechanically absolutely without
application of mind, and the issue of the owner ship of the Nambalakottai
temple has to be enquired once again.
HINDRANCE
AND BOTTLENECK FOR THE PROGRESS OF THE SOCIETY:-
Lack of legal knowledge, and proper education, these
people are unable to settle the problems amicable themselves which are rather influenced by the
recently settled people creating difference of opinions among the relatives for
getting their benefits. Even on matters of little significance, they pick up
quarrel and seek advice of outsider spending huge amount earned by selling the
cultivable lands and other belongings. After losing the property it is pity to see them
serving as labours in their own lands sold to others. When they fell ill instead of getting timely medicare,
the seek the advice of the a astrologists to find out the cause of the illness
and take rude type of sacrifices to the local gods and goddess as per the
advice of the astrologists After losing all the means, again they will go to the
doctor for medical help at the advanced stage of the sickness the survival will
seldom possible. By this way of life style many lost their happiness
and became pathetic of time
NOTABLE
PERSONS SERVED FOR UPLIFFTING THE SOCITY AND THEIR WELFARE:-
As already explained in Para of this book, the Moundadan Chetty people established
an organization called as the NAMBOLAKOTTAI KUDIYAN SAMAJAM in the year 1932 One Moopuvayal K. M. Velu Chetty a
school teacher along with Melambalam Subban Chetty the Sreemadurai Village panchayat presidents were the Secretary and President
of the association. During their hard effort they struggled the level best
to alienate the Nambolakottai Devasom property from the clutches of the
Jenmam of the Nilambur Kovilagam and treat the temple, temple property
as public
and also to assign
the land to the traditional land holders which have been narrated already in Para . The following were the notable persons involved in social activities in different
spells.
1. Sri K. M. Velu Chetty :
Moopuvayal Padanthurai villag
2. Sri Subban Chetty : Melambalam in Sreemadurai village
3. Sri Ponnan
Chetty : Kuttimuchi in Sreemadurai village
4. Govindan Chetty : Manimoola in Sreemadurai village
5. Velu Chetty :
Mukkur in Cherumulli village
6. Krishnan
Chetty
:
Kambadi in Cherumulli village
7.T.V. Krishnan Chetty :
Thaithamattam in Padnthurai village
8. M.R. Madhavan
Chetty : Mangakndi in Padanthurai village
9. Perumal Chetty :
Mukkoor in Padanthurai village
10. C.S. Krishnan
Chetty
: Chundavayal in Padanhurai
village
11. K. Krishnan
Chetty
: Pilakndi in Gudalur village
12. Andy Chetty
: Kodamoola in Gudalur village
13. O. Chathu Chetty
:
Odakkadavu in Gudalur village
14. Subban Chetty
:
Mandakarai in Mudumalai village
15.VeluChetty
: Cheppadamin Bennahamletof
Nellakottai village
16.Subramanian
Chetty
: Mallamvayal in Padanthurai village
17. Sekaran Chetty
: Kalakandi in Padanthurai village
18. Perumal Chetty :
Kavathi in Padanthurai village and and so many others.
Sri K. M. Velu Chetty of Moopuval was the first chair
person of the Association. Others were the leading persons during course of
time During the years of 1950s when the proposal of State Reorganization under linguistic basis was under active consideration,
the Malayalee teachers and officials in Gudalur insisted the students of
Moundadan Chetties and tribals of this area to take up Malayalam medium for
their study in schools on the plea that have come from the Gurukulam
type of primary schools inside the remote villages. The reason behind the
Malayalam speaking people was to include Gudalur to the proposed newly
forming Kerala State from 1956 comprising Malabar of Madras Presidency,
Travancore and Cochin and to justify the steering committee formed for
reorganization of linguistic states by indigenous people of this locality. The
Moundadan Chetties guessed the ideas and apposed to the movement. The parents
and leaders apposed the activity of compelling the children to take up
Malayalam medium stating that their children have already studied in
one or two classes
in Tamil medium apart from the fact that their fluency in both the languages.. The
Moundadan Chetties wanted to continue the area under Madras State (Now Tamil Nadu) only. The parents insisted to teach
their children in Tamil medium only considering the future advantages in
employments opportunities and staged a strike of not sending the children to schools until their demands
are fulfilled. After an enquiry held by the Education departments, it has been
decided to start the primary education of this area according to the option of
the children and parents in either language as medium of education. This was the significant achievement these people
attained. After
this, late Sri Velayuthan of Hallur hamlet and K. Narayanan of Puthurvayal were
the prominent leaders among others who formed a union namely Nambolakottai Vivasisikal Sangam (Nambolakottai Agricultural Workers Union) and worked
for its improvement. Basing their demand the community was notified and
included in the list of Most Backward communities a per G.O. Ms. No. 1634 (Home Department) dated 16-06-1967. This is another significant achievement to this
community. When action for proposal of draft Janmam Land Abolition and Introduction of
Roythwari Act was under active consideration, late Thiru Velayudhan has strived
had to collect as many ancient and old records as possible before the rein of
Valavannur, Nilambur Kovilakam etc. from different houses of chetty people like
copper plates inscription in palm leafs etc. and submitted for verification before the
steering committee for perusal in the meeting held at Gudalur under the
leadership of late Thiru Madhiyazhakan the Hon. Food Minister in Dr.
Karunanithi`s cabinet in 1969. the documental evidences have not returned to
the concerned after verification and kept as basic records. Had the present
systems of Xeroxing available those days, copies of the documents handed over
could have been preserved for future years for stabling their claims of sons of
soil. At
the request of the Association, among other policy matters, the Act canceling
the possession of land by Jenmam was passed in the legislative Assembly of
Tamil Nadu State during the time of honourable Dr. K. Karunanithi as Chief
Minister. .The Moundadan Chetty people have presented as many memoranda as
possible in various occasions citing all the above facts mentioned in the
proceeding paragraphs that can be seen from the start lapping claims of their
right that is due to them. It is sad to note that the death of Thiru Velayudahm
in a short spell, the society was not functioning properly for many years. It
was the set back in delighting the people to bring up to the main
stream
In the year 1973, THE YOUG MOUNDADAN CHETTY ASSOCIATION was organized under the joint effort of C.R. Krishnan a
Government Servant who worked at Ooty and as per the advice of P. Narayanam
working in Revenue Department. The Association was registered as 223/1973 and an anniversary
was also held in 1974. For the regular function of the Association. The
following persons were the office bearers in that Association.
1. Late T.R. Arjunan Chetty Thaithamattam in
2. Padanthurai village : President
2.P.K.Narayanam, Puthurvayal
Gudalur Village
:Vice President
3.M.NarayananMukkur House
Cherumullivillage : Secretary
4.LateP.P.Krishnan Chetty
Pannimoola
Cherumulli village
:
Joint Secretary
5.LateA.S.Velayuthan
Angankalari
Padanthurai
village : Treasurer
6.C.R.KrishnanChundavayal
Padanthurai
village : Auditor
7.LateM.R.Sekaran Chetty
Kavathi
Padanthurai
village : Audit
Assistant
8.Late P .Narayanan
Karinkulam Cherumulli
village
: Adviser and guide
After the transfer of C.R. Krishnan from Ooty the
Association was relegated to its background as other responsible members did
not evince interest for the function of the Association Under this condition, after a long spell of more than
25 years, few
retired Government Servants among the community along with imortant persons
joined together and again tried to renew the registration of the Young
Moundadan Chetty Community Association but they were unable to produce the
mandatory records for the period from to 1974 till the date of required period
on date , they have to form a new Association in the Name of Nilgiri District
Moundadan Chetty Community Association with the intention for the uplift and welfare of
the community. It has been registered on 29-10-2000 under Reg. No.
137/2000. This
SANGAM or Association functions at Kuttimuchi in Cherumulli village as its headquarters. At the beginning there were 12
branches for the work of the Association in different places in all the 6
villages namely (1) Cherumulli 1, (2) Cherumulli 2, (3) Kottaimeddu (4) Sreemadurai 1, (5) Sreemadurai 2, (6) Padanthurai,
(7) Puliambarai , (8) Puthurvayal (9) Kunil , (10) Hallurvayal , (11) Mudumalai
and (12) Benna.
The following persons worked for formation of the new
union and selected as Offices bearers of the Central and branch committees
1. M.Narayan, Mukkur, Cherumulli a retired teacher in
Government Middle School President of the Association,
2.K. Narayanan, Puthurvayal, an Agriculturist and Social worker: Former Vice President
3.T.PVenugopalanKolurCherumullivillage LeadingAgriculturist : Former Secretary,
4. K.P Gananthan Kuttimuchi, Sreemadurai village
Leading Agriculturist: Former Treasury,
5.T.A. Viswanathan Kuttimuchi, Cherumulli village
Leading Agriculturist: Former Joint Secretary,
6. N.V. Manickan Chetty, Nellikunnu, Leading Agriculturist:
Head Committee member and Honerary
President,
7. M. K. Ananthasayanan, Agriculturist and social
worker: Erstwhile Branch President
8. K. Subramanian,
Puthurvayal, and Agriculturist: Erstwhile branch committee Secretary and
present Head Committee Treasurer
9. M.S. Andy, Manguzhi ,
Agriculturist Head Committee member and presently Vice President of Head committee,
10. A.S.Balan,Anjukunnu,
Agriculurist : Formerly Branch President,
11. K.M.Sathyaseelan, Mangunnu
Cherumulli Agriculturist: Present Head CommitteeMemberAnd erstwhile Treasurer of Branch
committee ,
12. C.R. Balakrishnan.
Kuttimuch, Sreemadurai village A Private Estate Employee: Formerly Branch Committee President and
now Secretary ofHead Committee ,
13 M.P. Balakrishnan Makkumoola, Puthurvayal
Leading Agricuturist : Head Committee Member,
14. P. K Balan.Agriculturist:
Formerly Branch Committee President
15. M.V. Govindan, Vattakolli, Padanhurai village Agriculturist: Former Head Committee Member
16. P.S. Velayudhan
Puzhukolli Padanthurai village Agriculturist Padanthurai: Formerly Head
Committee Member.
17. C. Andy Chetty,
Puliambarai, Padanhurai village : Former Branch President
18. K. S Sreedaran,
Kappumoola, Padanthurai village L.I.C. Agent : Formerly BranchCommittee Secretary
19. K.R. Ramachandran,
Kuttivavayal, Padanthurai village, Agriculturist : Active Member in Branch Committee
20. K.K. Madhavavan, Vengalamoola, Padanthurai village Agriculturist: Active member in Branch Committee
21. P.C. Krishnan Chetty, Pediakarai,
Padanthurai village, Formerly Head
Committee Member
22. P.C. Shanmugam,
Pediakarai, Padanthurai village Agriculturist,: Former Active member in Branch
Committee and now Head
Committee Member ,
23. K. P. Narayanan Kalligarai, Cherumulli village Agriculturist: Former Branch
President
24. M. R. Mugundan,
Manjamoola, Cherumulli village, Agriculturist: Former BranchSecretary,
25. M. Prabakaran, Mandakarai,
Mudumalai village, Agricultureist: Former Branch Secretary
26. P.S. Kuttan Chetty,
Pulialam, Mudumalai village: Former Brach President,
27. K.R. Sukumaran, Kottamedu,
Cherumulli village Agriculturist: Former Branch Secretary,
28. Suresh Kumar, Cheppadam,
Benna, Agricuturist: Former Branch Secretary,
29. N. V Balakrishnan,
Cheppadam, Benna Agriculturist: Former Branch committee President,
30. Usha Kolur, Cherumulli village Housewife: Head Committee Member,
31. Ambika, Devanvayal,
Puthurvayal Houewife Head Committee Member
32., K.K. Balan, Machikolli,
Cherumulli village, Agricuturist : Former Head Committee, Member,
33.
M.B. Chandran, Moolacherumulli Cherumulli village:Frmer t General Secretary Head Committee
34. S. Sivasankaran, Athur, Puliambarai, Padanthurai village:
Former Head Committee Member and many other social minded
persons.
35. A. Viswanathan
Agriculture: Formerly Head Committee Member
The Head Committee and all the Branches at different
plaes were working well up to the celebration of the Maanaadu (Seminar) held on 29-04-2002. After induction of Thiru C. R.Krishnan,instrumental in
formationofthe erstwhile Young Moundadan Chetty Association in 1973 and who retired from Government
Service on 30-06-2001, he dedicated his retired life for the service of
the Association. For his honest and selflessness service the present Association has awarded him the assignment of Adviser and Public Relation Officer of the
Association. Under his constructive advice, the activities of the Association
has been intensified and there was a Seminar of the Moundadan Chetties and
Tribales held on 29-04-2002 A Booklet compiled the past and present status of
the community written by C.R. Krishnan basing on the collection of valid
importations was released in the seminar. In the Seminar the Association passed
many resolutions for raising their demands to the State and Union Governments.
C. R. Krishnan as a social activist is having close touch with the Government
officers for fulfilling the demands of the Moundadan Chetties and Tribal
peoples and socially oppressed and marginalized sections of this area. He is
also serving as a honorary guide to the oppressed and depressed people In
course of time the branch members did not co- operate with the Central Union due to
certain difference opinions, these sub centers have gradually become un
functioning whereas the central committee struggled had for various
developments to the society as a whole so also to the betterment of the entire
area in association with other social organizations. The following are the
notable achievements of the Association notwithstanding the major demands are
yet to be addressed.
1. In the Work shop held on 2002 arranged by the Kee Stone,
a Non Government Organization in Udhagamandalam town, .C.R. Krishnan made arguments before the delegates attended for the work
shop about the non inclusion of the Moundadan Chetty and Wayanadan Chetty
Communities of Gudalur area also as indigenous communities among other
communities such as Badaga, Kotta, Toda, Pania, Kurumba etc. and included as
one of the indigenous communities in the Minutes of the work shop. Thereafter this community is recognized as one of the
indigenous group of communities of Nilgiris. Thereafter in all the petitions to
the bureaucrats and Minister etc it is being mentioned as one of the indigenous
Nilgiri communities.
2 In the Seminar of Moundadan Chetties and Tribals of Gudalur held in Gudalur on 29-04-2002
it was stressed to the Government for taking many welfare of measures which will benefit the tribals and
Moundadan chetties to uplift their economic and educational and social status
and many resolutions have been passed in the seminar
3. Basing on the statistics and documental evidences
mentioned in many of the petitions, a request has been made to the Government
not to treat the Moundadan Chetties and tribals as encroachers of the waste
lands around their settlements and patta lands extending less than 5 acres per family
and allow them to raise the tea saplings for their livelihood on a plea these
lands were with their possession before forming these as Janmam land of
Nilambur Kovilagam from 1853 onwards only. Several petitions explaining the
details of the holdings have been sent to the district administration for
consideration. The result is awaited after settling the land rights after
the disposal of the Case in the Supreme Court
4. Basing on the materials available, the documental
evidences produced, a memorandum have been submitted to the State Government
for recommending the Central Government to include the Moundadan Cherry
community under the list of Shedule Tribesof the Nilgiris which has been
forwarded by the Director Tribal Reaserch Centre M. Palada, Udhagamandalam and
under active consideration of the Department of Scheduled tribes and Scheduled
Castes.
5. The Office bearers of the Association have met His Excellency the Governor of Tamil Nadu on 27-05-2005 and submitted a memorandum explaining the
position of the community and reminded his Excellency to do the needful
6. C. R. Krishnan, who participated in the talk show
of ` visuvin arrtai arrangam`
held in Gudalur town on 16-04-2003 took the talk show team to Mudumalai village
where the people suffer for basic needs like health education, electricity,
telecommunication etc. and arranged for a video graph about the exact position
of the indigenous people inside the Reserved Forest and Wildlife Sanctuary
which was telecasted after the talk show by which awareness has been created
among the Government. The matter was known Worldwide Sun T.V. Later a rally and
one day fast was also observed on 18-01-2007 in Gudalur town to draw the
attention of the Government for rehabilitate and resettle the people to elsewhere as
per the direction of the Honourable High Court of Madras dated 18-02-2007 The action of rehabilitating the people is
undertaken by the Forest and revenue departments.
7. A. demand for setting of an Art and Science College
for the students of Gudalur and Pandalur taluk as made in the Seminar out of
which an Art and Science College has been set up. The request for a
Polytechnic and I.T.I is yet to be considered.
8. The Adviser of the Association C.R. Krishnan having
close touch of the various State and Central Government Officials. As such he
took the Official of Anthropology visited two times for surveying the basic needs of the people
of Sreemadurai and Mudumalai villages, stayed with them and helped as an
interpreter for enumeration work and also two seminars held at Mysore on 20,
21-2-2007 in Nagpur held and 27-2-2008 to 29-02-2008 and presented papers about the situation prevailing in
Mudumalai village which were highlighted in the Seminars.
9. C.R. Krishnan has conducted a house to house enumeration
in all the villages wherever these people reside in a particular format
prescribed by him and collected details of all the family members about the
age, wealth movable and immovable education and employment status , affection
of sickle cell anemia etc. for inclusion the details in the petitions about the
welfare of the community and the population details as on 01-01-2005 have been
ascertained and necessary changes are carried out as and when changes occur
10. Several representations have been made for
improvement of the village roads leading to the remo0te
village where the Moundadan Chetties and tribal people inhabit to bring to the
main stream by
which many roads have been repaired and maintained. For construction of a Health Sub Centre in Padanthurai
village near Karkappali on the request of the general public one local farm er
has donated 6 cents of his patta land
for site for construction of the Heal Sub Centre and the work is being
undertaken with the fund provided by the HADP.
11. The temple administration of Nambolakottai
Vettaikorumagan was under dispute between the Nilambur Kovilagam who were the
erstwhile trustees of the entire temples and lands up to abolition of Jenmam
Land system in 1969 onwards, the Moundadan Chetty Community Association has imp
leaded themselves as as additional party in the Write Petition and argued
the antiquity of the temple and the responsibly of the community in maintaining
the temple and the temple property basing on which now the temple
administration has been vested with the Hindu. Religious Endowment department with effect from
08-06-2009. The traditional Festivals of the temple is now celebrated without any
disturbances.
12. Resolution has been passed to make open the road
via Siriyur Sathyamangalam for the use of the public in Gudalur and Pandalur and to save time and expenses for reaching the plains of
TamilNadu for urgent Medical and other important work. This issue is discussed
in every general body meetings every year and renewed the resolution.
DEMANDS OF MOUNDADAN CHETTIES
Since Gudalur area was once declared as malaria prone
and unhealthy locality, the British administration did not evince interest in
development in education, public health, high ways etc.when similar
developments were made in other part of the Nilgiris viz. Ooty and Coonoor.
Hence these people could not avail the opportunity of English medium education
for better prospects in civilized lifestyle and thereby getting job opportunity in Government
institutions. But for these facilities, availed by others in upper
plateau of the district, their status too remained as of the chetty people
without vast development in all the fields. Moundadan chetty people though very sincere and faithful to God
and Government Rules and Regulations, very panic in expressing their democratic
rights due to illiteracy and usurp and oppressing by the recent settlers
dominating the locality. Hence they have put forth the following vital demands.
1. Considering the right of sons of the soil basing on
the recorded evidences that these people inhabit in this unhealthy locality
from immemorial for formation of the landed properties administered by
the Valavannur hierarchy there after passing over to Nilambur Jenmam from 1853
onwards during British settlement, they should not be treated as encroachers of the
vacant lands once they cultivated shifting crops like ragi, maize, millet etc
now planted with tea saplings to an extend of 5 acres or less per family far
away from forest cover without hindrance to water resources and wildlife
2. Inclusion of the
Moundadan chetty community under the list of Hill tribes of Nilgiris like Kota,
Toda, Kurumba, Pania, Kattunaika since all these indigenous communities
co-exist all over the period without co-operation
3. Action of Rehabilitation of the people languishing
in the Mudumali and Benna villages surrounded by the Wild life to the
alternative place at Ayyankolli to be speed up and their lifestyle to be
improved at par to the people in other areas outside the wildlife sanctuary.
4. Appointment of Moundadan Chetties as trustees in
the Nambolakottai temple and Manguzhi Bhagavathi Amman temple to maintain the
tradition festivals in these temples adopted by the Moundadn Chetty people all
along the period until taking over the temples by Government.
5. Electrification of all villages and laying pathways
in all the remote rural areas
6. Identifying these people by the Government
Officials for their democratic rights like change patta, issuing community certificates, nativity certificates which
are required for job opportunity and not to drag on the matter by the revenue
people.
We evoke the blessing of God worshiped as
Vettaikorumagan in the Nambolakottai in the vicinity and through their clan
deities worshiped by all the Chetty people for protection and help from central
and state Governments in providing employment so that they may pattern their
life style with latest improvements in science telecommunication, technology,
print and electronic media.
C.R.
KRISHNAN
S.G.SUPERINTENDENT
[Retd.}
ANNEXURE 1
Anthropology
The Weekly Magazine Section of the HINDU Dated
11-5-1958
A NILGIRI COMMUNITY
By Iruthayanath Philo
Among the various communities to be found on the
Nilgiris is the “Mandadan Chetty” community.
This community is confined to a small area near Gudalur on the Mysore-
0tacamund) bus route. The people of this
community live in five small villages called amsoms about five miles from Gudalur. The five amsoms
are Gudalur, Chimathurai, Cherumulli, Padanthorai and Mudumalai amsoms.
Their population is about 3,000.
The chief occupation of this community is agriculture. All necessary food grains and sugarcane are
being cultivated by them. Some of them
owning larger extents of lands are rich and they live in houses built of brick
and tiles. The majority, who are poor
live in huts. Most of their house hold
utensils are mud pots though brass and bronze vessels are also used.
The men are
somewhat fair in complexion and of good physique. A dhoti called [mundu] and an upper cloth are normal
dress for a male but shirts are also worn by quite a good number. Every male carries a knife [aruval] on his hip. The women are generally pretty and
well-built. As a rule they do not come
before strangers and are intensely religious.
Their mode of dress, hair do and wearing of ornaments are similar to
those of women of Malabar. Normally the women wear a single sheet of
white cloth round the body covering down to the knee. However, now a day’s sarees and blouses are also being worn by many women, whenever they
go outside their amsoms. But during
marriages and other ceremonies, they wear the traditional dress. Usually women do not wear flowers.
There is no age limit for marriages among this
community and Both Post puberty
pre-puberty marriages are common.
Generally marriages are arranged by the
parents with the help of intermediates.
The bride and the groom do not see each other until after marriage. The bridegroom’s parents have to give the
bride’s parents a certain amount of rice as dowry. The marriage expenses are borne by the
bridegroom’s parents. Polygamy is allowed but all marriages alliances are
strictly confined to the five amsoms. A
Brahmin priest who is generally the village temple priest officiates in
marriages. The marriage ceremony is in
the typical Hindu fashion with exchange of garlands between the bride and groom
and the tying of Mangal.
The Mandadan Chetti community eats meat, fish and
birds besides grains. They are
prohibited from taking non-vegetarian food on certain specified days. They grow all kind of food grains including
rice and also sugarcane. Women also take
part in the agricultural operations.
Poultry is developed on an extensive scale. A few live by hunting in the nearby forests.
In every amsom
there is a panchayat board with a chairman who is known as “Nattukaaraamaikaar” This post is
hereditary. Any one committing an
offence is brought before the panchayat
board who render justice by imposing fine.
In the five amsoms there are six temples for different
gods and goddesses. The annual festival
in these temples is conducted on an elaborate scale. People believe in witches, sorcery, devils
etc. and the temple priest is credited with powers to divine the future
The language spoken by the Mandadan Chetti community
is a queer mixture of Urudu, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam with
Malayalam as the dominant factor. It has
no script. They use Tamil, Malayalam and
Kannada for writing and reading. A general survey of the living condition of
the community indicates that they are akin to the people of Kerala and have
been greatly influenced by their customs and manners. It is surmised.
COMMENT
A READER
Sir,:-
The article on the `Mandadan Chetti` community of
Nilgiris by Mr. Philo Iruthayanath published
in the Weekly Magazine Section of THE HINDU dated May11, makes
interesting. In concluding the article, Mr. Philo Iruthayanath has surmised
that these people must have originally belonged in the Kerala region. But from the description of the customs and
manners, complexion and living condition of these people as enumerated by the
author, it looks as though they originally belonged to Coorg, now forming part
of Mysore, and not to Kerala. Their physical condition, customs and manners,
etc. are very much similar to the culture and customs of the Coorg people.
The Coorgis are also fair in complexion and are of
good physique. Their chief occupation is
also agriculture. The Coorgis also have
a spoken language of their own [without script] which is also a queer mixture
of Kannada, Malayalam, Tamil and Tulu languages. They also use Kannada for reading and
writing.Their marriage customs are more or less akin to the customs of the
Mandadan Chetti community. Among
Coorgis, the practice of widow remarriage is in vogue. The practice of re-marriage of divorced men
and women, the burial and cremation of the dead, the mode of greeting the
elders by touching their feet, the use of a small sword on festive occasions
–all these are very much similar in both the cases. In the circumstances, I am
of the opinion that the Mandadan Chetti community referred to by the author in
his article, are the descendents of the Coorgis who might have migrated to the
Nilgiris from their forest abodes in Coorg, abut the 16th or 17th
century, for some reason or other, and this aspect of the question deserves
study by students of anthropology.
Bangalore K. Chetharamaiah
// TRUE
COPY//
Annexure II
Copy of G.O. Ms. No. 1634 Home Department Dated 16th
June 196
HarihanWelfaraeCommitte‘Moundadan’
Community- Inclusion
in the List of Most Backwaard Classes- Orders passed.
Read the following:-
From
the members of the Moundadan Community of Gudalur
TalukThe Nilgiris
district Memo. Dt. Nil
From
the Collector of Coimbatore D.O. L.Dis 46391/66 dated
07-07-66
From
the Collector of the Nilgiris D.O. No. H1/23321/66 dated
06-07-66
From
the Director of Harijan Welfare R.Dis S3.45020/66
dated22-07-66
______________________________________________________________
ORDER:
The government direct that with effect from the academic
tear 1967-68 The community “Moundadan”be included in the list of Most Backward
Classes and shown all admissible
concessions resulting there from.
This order issues
with the concurrence of the Finance
Department Vide its U.O. NoteNo.44776/R, VII/67-1 dated 25-04-67.
(By order of the Governor)
N. VENKATASALAM
Deputy Secretary to Government.
// TRUE COPY//
ANNEXURE III
Before
the Board of Commissioners for Hindu Religious Endowment
M a d r a s.
2nd day of
July, 1937.
Present .M.R. Ry. A. Kondappa Garu B.A.B.L.
E.V. Sundara Reddiar Avl. M.A.B.L.
---- o0o ---
M.P. No. 24 of 1937
Read:
Board’s
Order No. 3222 dated 21-12-1936 declaring the temple of Sri Vettaroyaswamy-
Nambalakode village, GudalurTaluk,,
Nilgiris District, as a public one Petition
on behalf of the Rajah of Nilambur to set aside the orders passed on
21-12=1936.
Memo. Filed on behalf of the Rajah of Nilambur dated
2-7-37.
Board’s Order
No. 1453 dated 2-7-1937
This case having come on for final hearing on 2/7/37
in the presence of the Agent for the Rajah of Nilambur and none others being
present either in person or by Vakil on the said date, the Board after
considering all the materials placed before it, passed the following:-
B.O. No. 3222 dated 21-12-1936 is hereby cancelled.
Sd.
A. Kondappa,
Sd. E.V.SundaraReddi,
President Commissioner,
2- 7-1937 2-7-37
//True copy//
Total No. of words: /8/
No. of words
corrected: :Four
Read by :Sd.xxx
13.06.69
Compared by :Sd.xxx 13-6-69
Typed by : Sd.xxx 13-6-69
//
True attested copy//
Assistant
Commissioner,
H.R.& CE
(
Administration)
COIMBATORE-641018
Office of the Board of
Commissioners
for Hindu Religious Endowment
Cathedral P.O. Madras.
Annexure to Board’s Orders Nos. 1453 to 1460
dated 2-7-37.
1.Sri Bombaki temple Mudumalai- Gudalur Taluk, Nilgiris District
2.Sri Vetturayaswmy temle-
Nambalakode -do-
-do-
3.Sri Paradevatha temple
Chullikunnu -do- -do-
4.Sri Bhagavathiamman temple
Maunguzhi -do- -do-
5.Sri Bhagavathiamman temple
Puthur -do- -do-
6.Sri Eswaraswamy temple
Kallingara -do- -do-
7.Sri Krishna temple Sri
Madura village -do-
-do-
8 Sri Veerayaswamy temple
–Ayervalea -do- -do-
9 Sri Vettarayaswmy temle
–Devala villag -do-
-do-
(Sd.………..)
The matter is reopened. Accepting the Memorandum filed
by the agent of Rajah of Nilambur, the
Vettkaramakan temple- Nambalakottu is declared as private and the other temples
are declared public. The latter temples will be treated as excepted temples
2 The temples of Sri Vettarayaswamy at Nambalakode
village Gudalur taluk, Nilgiris District, is not a temple as defined in this
Act”
(Sd………)
Secretary
Note: The
annexure to this order containing the grounds of the above decision will befurnished
on receipt of a copy application for the same (duly stamped with two nanas
courtfees stamp) together with the copings and postal charges amounting to Rs.
0-14-0.
To Mr. N.A Krishnan Iyer Avl., B.A.B.L, Advocate, 36,
Nadu Street Mylapore, Madras
To The Rahah of Nilambur,
Nilambur, South Malabar
Copy to
1. The Adm., section with a
copy of annexure
2. Mr.N.A Krishnan Iyer Avl., B.A.B.L, Advocate,
36,
Nadu Street
Mylapore, Madras copy of annexure
3. Mr. C.V. Subbrarhamanya
Iyer Avl., B.A.,B.L.,
Advocate,
No.3, Thambu Chetty Street, G.T. Madras.
4. Copy to: The Inspector of
H.R.E., for Coimbatore
District,
with a copy the file of the D.T.C.,
Thro` No. 4
5. Copy to the file of the
District Advy. Committee, Thro. No .4.
6.
Copy to The Adm., section with a copy of annexure
Typed By:
Sd. Xxxx
Compared by:
Sd. xxxx Read by: Sd. xxxx No of corrections: two
//True copy//
Annexure IV
Copy of Communication from
C.V.Subrahmanya Ayyar, Advocate , madras to Thiru K.M.Velu Chetti pertaining to
Nambala Kotta pagoda case Number 229 of 1932 in the file of the Board of
Commissioners , Hindu Religious Endowment
VERY EMERGENT
C.V. SUBRAHMANYA AYYAR, Advocate.
3,
Thambu Chetty Street, MADRAS
August, 27th,
1936.
M.R. Ry. K.M. Velu Chetty Avl.,T e a c h e r,
D. B. V .E . School, Gudalur,(Nilgiris)
M.R.Ry. Melambalam Subban Chetty, Avl.,
SriMadur Desam, Gudalur, Nilgiris.
Sirs,
I received a telegraphic Money Order for Rs. 25/- on
Tuesday the 25th instant which I have credited in part payment of
the balance of my fees. In spite of my personally having clearly warned you
that I would be unable to work in the case without the receipt of dull fees
before hand and your personally having agreed to the said term and condition,
and notwithstanding three letters addressed to you and remit the entire balance
of fees as well as a sum of money sufficient for the translation and typing
charges of documents, you have neglected to abide by the terms. I hereby give
you final notice that unless immediately on receipt of this letter the sum of
Rs55/- on account of the balance of fees and another sum of Rs 35/- on account
of translation and typing charges be remitted tome, I shall consider myself
relieved of responsibility for any default in the preparation of the documents
for hearing of he original application 229 of 1932- Sri Veetarayaswami temple
which stands adjourned peremptorily to Saturday the 11th September
1936. The adjournment was made after very great difficulty, the President being
very loath to adjourn the hearing of an application of year 1932. A sum of Rs.
35/- will become necessary for, the translation and typing charges because
there are nearly a dozen documents some of which are long. Their preparation
will take time and their study could not be undertaken before they are
translated. It is therefore behoove to act quickly.
The President of the Board expressed himself against
the holding the enquiry at Gudalur on the ground that the expenses to the board
would be even greater than for the parties. It will therefore become necessary
that two or three of the permanent Residents in the villages round about the
vettakaraswami Koil in Nambalakode amsom, preferably old and preferably
Canarese speaking, be persuaded to accompany you and arrive on Madras a day
earlier that is to any on the 10th September 1936 s0 as to enable me
to take proofs of their evidence in support of our contention not only that the
Pagoda is a Public Temple but that it has been managed by Trustees selected by
the public, that the lands attached to
the temple are the property of the idol and not the private property of the
idol and not the private property of the Nilambur Raja and that the repairs and
the utsavams have been being conducted by themselves and not by the Raja. I
understand from what transpired before the Board today. Certain remarks that we
should lead evidence on our side in support of our own position Some
documentary proof of repairs and festivals at the expenses of the residents is
not forthcoming then at least oral evidence should be let in. For this purpose men of age- the
older the better, and status and preferably able to speak Canarese should be
selected.I must have the money for the balance of fees and for expenses on or
before Wednesday the 2nd September, and I shall just then have time
enough to attend the preparation of documents,
Yours faithfully,
Sd. C.V. SUBRAMANYA AYER
//True copy//
Annexure V
Extract of Book on WYNAD Its People and Tradition
By Rao Bahadur C. GOPALAN NAIR
pages 57-59.
MANDADAN CHETTIS
About forty families of Mandadan Chettis are to be
found in Veliyambam and Pulpalli desams
in Puthadi amson.
They are found nowhere in Wynad and they appear to
have migrated from GudalurDivision of
the Nilgiri District where, it is said
about 500 families of this community exist.
Between Mandadan Chettis and Wynadan Chettis, already
mentioned, there is a similarity tha both bear the kuduma in front and the males interline ; but the former follow
Makkthayam and the latter Marumakkthayan.
They have their own paddy and hill cultivation and
while hey do not go out as laborers, they manage to live on the proceeds of their
own.
They have no separate shrine for their God who is
called “Athiralan,” and who is
worshipped in every house, and any special offering they desire to make is made
at Nambulakotta in Gudalur (Nilgiri District) once a year. Marriage is permissible before or after puberty.
Arrangements are made by the bridegroom’s father or uncle and on the day fixed
for the wedding, the father and, in his absence, the paternal uncle or elder
brother proceeds to the bride’s house
with thali and ear ornaments, which
are handed over to the father of the bride. She wears them and accompanies the
party to the bridegroom’s home. The ceremony lasts generally for five days and
the garlanding is done on the third day in a special pandal erected for the occasion, where the bridegroom ties the thali round the neck of the bride and
they exchange garlands which, for a consideration of a rupee and eight anas, a Brahmin provides.
Cremation is the rule among them except where children
die, but in cases of death from cholera and small-pox, the dead are buried and
not cremated. Fifteen days` pollution is observed after death.
The husband may divorce the wife and the latter may
marry again, but the children live with the father. On the husbands` death his
brother may marry the widow; in fact it is the brother’s right to marry her to
the exclusion of a stranger.
The origin of these Chettis cannot be ascertained.
They have adopted the kuduma in front which is a Malabar custom; but everything
else indicates their headquarters, as they represent, is in the Gudalur
Division of the Nilgiri District, but their original home is unknown.
//TRUE EXTRACT//
Annexure VI
Certain Excerpts From The Book Of
Nilgiri Gazette
W. Francis Pages 102-105. Latter
History Of The Wynaad
Stormy years followed on the Wynaad. One of the most
important families in Malabar, of which the Wynaad then formed part, were the
Kottayam Raja or Kotiote Rajas whose territory included the whole of the Wynaad
and much of the Kottayam taluk. This territory had long been governed jointly
by different members of the family, each of them ruling over a particular
division. The head of the family was
Vira Varma, commonly known as th Kurumbarnad Raja, but its most celebrated
member was Kerala Varma Raja, who belonged to its Padinyara Kovilagam or
`western branch` located in the Palassi or `Pychy` amsom of the Kottayam taluk,
and who soon became notorious under the name of the `Pychy rebel`.
He had already been engaged in disputes with Tippu. In 1787, that monarch had compelled the head
of the Kottayam family to hand over to him the Wynaad, which was part of the
particular division of Kottayam territory which had belonged to its `western
branch`. Kerala Varma was the leading member of that branch; and from 1787 to
1790 (when the Second Mysore War between the Company and Tipu began) kept up a
desultory warfare with Tipu`s troops.
On the opening of hostilities in 1790, the Company’s
Chief at Tellecherry promised Kerla Varma that if he would `enter heartily into
the war against Tipu Sultan and act rigorously against him` the Company would
do everything in their power to render him independent of Tipu. The war ended in 1792 and Tipu was compelled
to cede certain territory to the
Company. Malabar (including the Wynaad )
was held by the Company to be comprised in the country then transferred and was placed under the
charge of Government of Bombay. One of the first acts ently refused to come to
any agreement about the revenue settlement
of the country and moreover got
into trouble with the authorities in 1795 by impaling certain Mappillas alive.
An attempt to capture him resulting in his fleeing to the Wynaad, but on his
begging forgiveness and the Kurumbrnad Raja giving a security bond for his good behavior he was
allowed to return. He however began
intriguing with Tipu`s officers and preventing the collection of the pepper
revenue, and at the end of 1796 a proclamation was issued against him and
letter sent to him warning him that `not a sepoy shall rest this province till
you and all your adherents are utterly extirpated.`
Fighting followed in the beginning of 1987 in which
Kerala Varma had much the best of it, surprising a detachment and killing its officer; cutting up a
havildar`s guard at Palassi and all their women and children; and compelling
some of the posts to withdraw and others to put themselves in a state of
siege. He also now obtained support and
ammunition from Tipu (who had always
declared hat the Wynaad had never been ceded to the Company and was still his
territory) and during jungle-fighting in March 1 inflicted a loss of about half
its numbers on one detachment of two companies sent against him and killed four
English officers belonging to another, of which he captured the guns, baggage
and ammunition. The Governor and the
Commander-in-Chief of Bombay eventually came down. to Malabar and troops were
pushed up and captured Kerala Varma`s headquarters. Negotiations were then
opened with him and eventually in 1797 he was pardoned and granted a pension of
Rs. 8,000 per annum.
In 1787 Lord Mornington declared by proclamation that the
Wynaad had not really been ceded to the Company by the treaty of 1792. In 1799 however, as has been, it was so ceded
by the treaty of Srirangapatnam, and from that 1st June 1800, It was placed
under the Government of Madras.
But Kerala Varma declared that the Wynaad had always
belonged to the family and that its cession in 1790 was ultra vires; and he once
more went out on the war-path. The
Government of India ordered that his presumptuous conduct should be severely
punished and placed the military control of the district, with Canara and
Mysore, under Colonel Arthur Wellesley, afterwards Duke of Wellington. That officer’s hands were full elsewhere for
some time, and Kerala Varma made the most of his opportunities by attacking the
low country of Malabar. At the end of
1800, however, Colonel Wellesley was free to deal with him and began regular
operations to that end. By May 1801
every post both above and below the ghat was held by British troops and Kerala
Varma was a wanderer in the jungles.
It was found impossible actually
to capture him, however, and meanwhile the Macleod, had thrown the whole
district into a ferment and enormously increased the number of the malcontents.
These insurgents quickly became so bold that they even
threatened the Todanad and the country round Masinagudi, then called `the
Devarajapatnam hobli`. The Board of
Revenue reported in June 1803 that the latter had been deserted in consequence,
the officer commanding a portion of
the Madras force recently brought
into Malabar, offered rewards for the seizure of Kerala Varma and eleven
of his followers and declared all their property confiscated. This proclamation was the basis of the Wynaad
and is referred to on p. 280 below.
Meanwhile every effort to capture Kerala Varma continued
to be made by the authorities and he was at length killed, residing to the
last, in November 1805. Thus ended the
days of a man who, as the Collector wrote, `for a series of years has kept this
province in a state of confusion, and agitated it with the most intricate and
perplexing warfare in which the last of officers and of troops have at various
times been engaged to the melancholy loss 0f many valuable lives and the
expenditure of as many lakhs of rupees`. With his death ends the history of the
Wynaad.
Pages120:- OTHER CHANGES BY HIS GOVERNMENT.
Changes in the administration of the hills were also made. The existing
arrangement was undoubtedly unsatisfactory.
The plateau was divided between the Collector of Malabar and Coimbatore
and subsequently neither took much interest in its affairs, while the authority
of the military Commandant was continued
to Ootacamund itself. The failure to apprehend the perpetrators of a
massacre in 1855 by the hill people of
58 Kurumas suspected of witchcraft drew attention forcibly to the matter, the Government
desired to vest in one officer the powers of a Collector, Magistrate and
Justice of the Peace [and also certain civil jurisdiction] throughout the
hills. This was however found to be impossible without special legislation, and
such legislation the Government of India refused to sanction, holding that the
necessity for it was not sufficiently proved . In July 1837, therefore, the
idea was abandoned and Ootacamund remained a military bazaar,` the equivalent,
in those days, of a cantonment.
Other acts of Sir Frederick Adam`s Government were the
fixing of the assessment to be paid for lands taken up by settlers, and virtual acknowledgment of the rights of
the Todas in the plateau both of which subjects are referred to again
in Chapter XI.
Though succeeding Governors evinced a less personal and
enthusiastic interest in the Nilgiri a than had been shown by Mr. Lushington,
the advantages of the hills were now so
widely known and appreciate that they progressed rapidly none the less. A detailed account of the steps by which this
was achieved would occupy for more space than is here available; especially
since Sir Frederick Price`s forthcoming work treats so exhaustively of the
fortunes of Ootacamund, the hub of the district.
Lord Elphinatone became Governor in 1837, and during his
rule the hills first began to be opened up for coffee estates. In 1839 Mr. Sullivan, who was now a Member of
Council, re-opened the question of the transfer back in Coimbatore of the
western portion of the district which had been added to Malabar in 1830, Much correspondence ensued and in the end the Commandant of Ootacamund
was appointed Joint Magistrate to the Magistrate of Malabar an Coimbatore and
also District Munsif. His designation was changed to Staff Officer [it was
changed back again in 1843] and he was given two assistants, one to be in charge
of the roads and the other of post offices an miscellaneous work.
In 1843, however, the Marquis of Tweedldate, who had
succeeded Lord Elphinstone, adopted Mr. Sullivan`s original proposal and
retransferred to Coimbatore the tract taken from river and the Kundas, The Marquis` rule is also memorable for the
decision to establish [see p. 341] the depot at Wellington.
In 1855 a Principal Sar Amin`s Court was established at
Ootacamund and the Commandant ceased to be District Munsif. His duties,
however, were still sufficiently varied.
He was Magistrate and Justice of the Pease; Director of the Police;
Civil, Military and Pension Paymaster; and Station Staff Officer; while in
addition, as he complained, the public, particularly the European portion of
it, insisted upon his fulfilling self assumed
offices similar to the functions of banker, solicitor, notary public,
arbitrator and land surveyor. The Union Jack used to be hoisted on a flagstaff
near his office when he was there, and this custom survived until the
seventies, by which time a whole series
of different flags was necessary
to denote the presence of the various officials, and also the arrival of
the mails an of the money for pay and pensions.
The Joint Magistrate and then to be content with a white and blue flag,
the Union Jack being reserved to indicate that
the Council was sitting at Stonehouse.
In 1855 an Act was passed empowering the Judge of Coimbatore to hold criminal
sessions on the hills. In 1859 the post
of Commandant was at lenth altogether abolished, that of Joint Magistrate
continuing, and the military police of Otacamund were placed under the civil
authorities
In 1858 the Principal Sadr Amin was replaced by
Subordinate Judge and the part of the plateau west of the Paikara, the Kundahs,
and the low country to the north of the plateau were part .put under his
jurisdiction. In May 1860 these areas
were annexed to the Coimbatore district for revenue purposes. In 1863 the absence of the Coimbatore Judge
on the salubrious hills for criminal sessions were found to be so `frequent and
protracted to interfere with his work at his head-quarters, and a special Civil
and Sessions Judge for the Nilgiris was appointed.
He, however, had almost nothing to do and to 1868 the
post was abolished by an Act which separated the Nilgiris altogether from
Coimbatore and placed to under a Commissioner and Assistant Commissioner who had combined revenue,
criminal and Sessions Judge and the Principal
Sadr Amin, and the Assistant Commissioner became Assistant Collector,
District Munsif and District Magistrate.
The latter officer was added inn his magisterial work by Joint
Magistrate s for Ootacamund and for Wellington and Coonoor. Both of these were
military men., had full magisterial
powers, and were assigned a
definite territorial jurisdiction ; and
the th former presided regularly at the sittings of the Ootacamund Bench and
the latter occasionally the Kotagiri Bench.
The latter , in addition, was Cantonment Magistrate of Wellington and
had small cause powers. By the Act of
1868 the Commissioner and his Assistant had also been invested with small cause
powers. Their authority in all matters
was conterminous, the district and being split into divisions.
In 1873 the OuchterlonyValley, and in 1877 the South-east
Wynaad, were added to the district. In other ways also its importance increased
rapidly.. Coffee, tea and cinchona had been planted on large areas; Ootacamund
and Coonoor had been growing daily; the native population of the hills advanced
in numbers and wealth; and the district had become the recognized hot-weather
residence of Government.
In 1882, therefore, it was put on the same footing as
other district and the Commissioner became Collector and the Assistant
Commissioner became Head Assistant Collector; while a Deputy Collector was
appointed to look after the treasury work and a deputy tahsildar to take charge
of the Ootacamund taluk. For purposes of
civil and criminal justice the district was put under the Judge of Coimbatore,
the Collector was made an Additional Sessions Judge, and a Subordinate Judge,
who had also the powers of a first-class magistrate and a small cause court,
was appointed to Ootacamund. The office of Joint Magistrate of Ootacamund
was abolished; the similar post at Wellington had been done away with shortly
before.
These arrangements still continue. The details of revenue and judicial
administration are referred to in Chapters XI and XIII respectively.
//
True Extract//
page128 Princile Castes:-
the peple f Nilgoros, as has been said, consit largely of
immigrants from elsewhere. Besides the Pareis, Musalmans and Native Christains
already referred to , there are as many as 19,000 Tamil Paraiyars, 4,500 Tamil
Vellalans, and over 5,000 Telugus of varius castes. These people do not differ in their ways and
customs from their caste-fellows in the districts from which they have come,
and need no separate menstin.
The Nilgiris pleateau, however, is the special home of
three communities – the Badagas( cultivators, Ktas (artisans and musicians) and
Todas (graziers)- which are scarcely found elsewhere and so deserve some
description, and also contains an unsusual number of the two forest tribes
called Irulas and Kurumbas; while in the Wynad the Chettis (landwneres) and
Paniyans (their farm labours), both of them interestin castes, are plentiful.
Some account of all these people will now be given
.pages
Badagas (138) ,Kotas(135), Todas(138), Irulas(151), Kurumbas( 153) xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
and
Chettis (158):- It
remains to refer t tw castes in the Wynaad- the Chetti landowners and their
farm labours the Panians
Chettis:-
The
former have no connections whatever with the Chetti traders of the Tamil
and Telugu country, but resemble in appearance the Nayas of Malabar, being fair
skinned and straight featered, wearing their tp-knots handging over one side of
their foreheads, and living inneat little
houses after the Malabar pattern, made of woven bamboo tatties covered
with smoothened earth, decorated with patterns and figures of animals done in
chunam, provided with wide pial and deep eaves, and surrounded by a trim ,
fenced fruit-garden.
Though they are all outwardly much alike, these Chettis
are of two kinds which form two separate castes. The first of these, called the
Mandadan Chettis, speak a corrupt Canarease, follow the Makkatayam law of
inheritance , and seem to have always been native of Wynaad; while the second ,
known as the Wynaadan Chettis, speak Malayalam follow Marumakkatayam, and say
they are immigrants from Coimbatore. The
communities do not intermarry and their womenkind will not even mess together.
MANDADAN CHETTIS Pages
158-159.
Mandadan` is supposed to be a corruption of
Mahavalinadu, the traditional name still applied to the country between
Nellakottai and Tippakadu, in which these Chettis principally reside and over
which the Valuvannvars of Nambalakod once held sway. These Chettis recognizes
as many as eight different headmen who each have names and a definite order of precedence.
The latter being accurately marked by the varying lengths of periods of
descendants in the nearest direct line of the original ancestors of the caste
and they are shown special respect on public occasions and settle domestic and
caste disputes.
Marriages take place after puberty and are arranged
through go-between called Madhyastas.
When matters have been set in train the contracting parties meet and the
boy’s parent’s measure out a certain quantity of Paddy and present it to the
bride’s people while the Madhyastas formally solicit the approval to the match
of all the nearest relatives. The bride
is bathed and dressed in a new cloth and the couple is then seated under a
pandal. The priest of the Nambalakod
temple comes with flowers, blesses the tali and hands it over to the
bridegroom, who ties it round the bride’s neck.
Sometimes the young man is made to work for the girl as Jacob did for
Rachel, serving her father for a period [generally of from one to four years]
the length of which is settled by the panchayat. In such cases the father-in-law pays the
expenses of the wedding and sets up the young couple with a house and some
land. Married woman are not prohibited
from conferring favours on their
husbands` brothers, but adultery outside the caste is severely dealt with.
Adoption seems to be unknown. A widow may remarry. If she weds her deceased husband’s brother,
the only ceremony is a dinner after the happy pair is formally seated on the
same mat; but if she marries anyone else a pandal and tali are provided.
Divorce is allowed to both parties and divorcees may
remarry. In their cases, however, the
wedding rites are much curtailed.
The dead are usually burnt; but who have been killed
by accidents or epidemics are buried.
When any one is at death’s door, he or she is made to swallow a little
water from a vessel in which some rice and a gold coin have been placed The
body is bathed and dressed in a new cloth, sometimes music is played and a gun
fired., and in all cases the deceased`s family walk three times round the pyre
before it is fired by the chief mourner.
When the period of pollution is over, holy water is fetched from the
Nambalakod temple and sprinkled all about the house.
These Chettis are Shaivites and worship the
Betarayasvami of Nambalakod, the Airu Billi of the Kurumbas and one or two
other minor gods, and certain deified ancestors. These minor gods have no regular shrines, but
huts provided with platforms for them to sit upon, in which lamps are lit in
the evenings, are built for them about the fields and jungles.
Chetti women are often handsome. In the house they wear only a waist-cloth,
but they put on an upper cloth when they venture abroad. They distend the lobes of their ea and for the
first few years after marriage wear in them circular gold ornaments somewhat
resembling those affected by the Nayar ladies.
After that period they substitute a strip of rolled-up palm-leaf. They have an odd custom of wearing a big
chignon made up of plaits of their own hair cut off at intervals in their
girlhood.
The Wyanaadan Chettis (page 159-160
Paniyans (pages (160-162)
//True extract//
LAND
REVENUE ADMINISTRATION (pages 278 to 282)
LAND REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
The
history of the administratin of the land revenue n the peayeau differs
altogether from the Wynaad and theOuchternoly Valley, and the twomust be
separately considered. On the plateau, the subject divides itself naturally
under two heads; namely, revenue settlements with the hill castes and those
with Europeans. These must also be
treated separately
xxxxxxxx
Revenue history of
Wynaad (The former revenue system) (page 278
The earliest British revenue settlement of the
South-east Wynaad was carried on about 1806, shortly after the death of the
Pychy rebel~ referred to on p.165 above, by Mr. Warden the Principal Collector
of Malabar, within which district the Nilgiri Wynaad the lay. His method consisted in ascertaining , my experiment the produce of seed sown in
each amsom (in the Nilgiri Wynaad this was fixed at nine-fold); finding out the
number of potis of seed per acres which was sown by the ryot (a potis 80 acres)
; multiplying this by the figure nine (the multiple outturn) to-get the gross
produces; deducting there from three potis per acre for cultivation expenses; dividing
the remainder equally between the ryot, the jenmi and Government ; and
commuting the Government`s one third at rates varying with local
circumstances. The obvious disadvantages
of this method were that it was impossible to find out how much seed really was
sown; that the figure of multiple outturns was the same for all soils- good,
bad or indifferent – in each amsam; and that the commutation rates varied at
the will of subordinates. Partly to meet
these drawbacks, the amount of seed sown was allowed to be arbitrarily assumed
and lowered or raised according to local circumstances, such as the poverty of
the land or its liability to damage by elephants; and the commutation rates for
remote villages as those next large centers. Eventually the assumed amount of
seed sown was gradually so reduced by the amsam officials that it came to only
one-half (or even one-fourth} of the actual, and the Government share of the
the cro was diminished in proportion.
Subsequently janmabogam was separately assessed on land which was
Government janmam and in 1860 the rate of this was fixed as 8 annas per acre on
all occupied land, whether it was cultivated or not. Jiggling with figures by the amsam officials
however resumed it even this fixed payment being much reduced in practice.
Dry land was not assessed until 1863, when it was
charged Re. 1-4-0 per acre when spasmodically cultivated or 10 anna as per acre
it held permanently. The Government
janmambogam on this was again fixed at Rs.2 per acre if held permanently. The Govrnment janmabhogam on this was again
fixed at 8 anas per acre. In 1860 and
cultivatd with coffee was assessed at Rs. 2 per acre from the third year after
planting plus the usual janmabhogam. The
Southeast Wynaad was transferred to the district in 1877 and these systems
continued until the present settlement was begun in 1886.
The first survey of the Wynaad was begun in 1859 and
carried on in a fitful and desultory manner under the supervision alternately
of the Settlement department and the Collector of Malabar until 1870, when it
was made over to the Survey department.
It was not completed until 1871 and it was brought up to date in 1886.
Between 1884 and 1885 detailed enquiry was made into
the extents of land which had eschated to Government owing to their having
belonged to Pychy rebel and his followers and having accordingly been declared
to be sequestrated. The matter had long
been discussed academically and the necessity for speedily concluding it in earnest
was emphasized by the gold boom of 1879-82, during the course of which land
which was apparently Government property had been leased and sold to the mining
companies by the local janmis.
The results of the enquiries then made have all been
printed and go to show that there is reason for supposing that the jenmam right
above the ghats was a creation of British administration and due to
insufficient knowledge among the earlier officers of the true position of
affairs. However this may be, the net
up-shot of the enquiries was that, of the three amsams comprised in the Nilgiri
Wynaad, Nambalakod was declared to be jenmam property of the Nilambur
Thirumulpad and 27 per cent of Munand and 1 per cent of Cherankod to be
similarly the janmam land of Wandur Nambadripad, the Nellialam Arsu and the two
other smaller proprietors. The
Orchtornoly Valley is also the jenmam property of the Nilambur Thirumulpad.
The necessity of permanently securing the result of
this escheat enquiry by the preparation of regular and complete land register
of the usual kind had to the resettlement of Wynaad. The work was begun in
1886.
The following are the principles upon which it
proceeded: Land was classed as wet or dry, the former including the numerous
paddy flats and swamps locally known as vayal, nilams, or kandums; wet land was
assessed at nine rates varying by increments of four annas from 87 annas to Rs.
2-8-0 per acre according to the soul, though no land was in practice charged either of the two highest rates; dry land was
assessed at four rates ranging by increments of 8 annas an acre to Rs. 2, the
soil being roughly classified under the
four headings of {a} forest
and coffee, etc. cultivation {b} Super
or scrub , {c} inferior scrub and best grass land and {d} inferior grass on
Government janmam land, whether wet or dry, as janmabhogam of 8 annas per acre
was charged, existing coffee, etc. estates held under private janmam or in
Government escheats were assessed at Rs. 2 per acre for all land cultivated in
there and 6 pies per acre for cultivated
areas; but land held under the Waste Land Rules was not affected and estates
held on Government patta were treated like ordinary land. The fundamental alteration in the existing
system was that as tax on occupation as in other settled districts, was
substituted for one on cultivation or rather on the extent of cultivation
returned by the inadequate and badly-paid subordinate revenue staff.
The net result of the settlement, which was concluded
early in 1887, were as under: On wet land, the assessed, the assessment, and
the janmabhogam were raised by 168, 327 and 284 per cent, respectively; on
estates by 784, 61 and 9,385 per cent respectively; on dry holdings other than
estates by 22,187 and 2 per cent respectively and on all descriptions of land
taken together by 403, 138 and 225 per cent respectively.
These starting increase were explained to be chiefly
due to the great extend cultivateion which had been brought to light, to the
manner in which the Covernment demand under the former settlement ha d been
wittled down by the lower revenue subordinates, and to the results of the
escheat enquiries, which had resulted in janmabhogam being levied on large
exrents which had previously escaped. It
was pointed out that the average assessment on occupied wet land was so low as
Rs.1-12-9 per acre. The enhanced wet
rates were eventually introduced by degrees the increase being added by
increments at the rate of Rs.25 per cent annually.
Hardly had the settlement came into force when the
High Court’s well-known judgment declaring that Government should issue pattas
in the name of the janm, and not of the occupier, was promulgated; and many of
the registers had to be re-written.
The Secretary of state was apprehensive of the result
of the great increase in assessment which the settlement had brought about and
directed that the effect of it should be carefully watched. The series of reports on this point thus came
to be written in the years which followed.
The District Officers were for the most part of opinion that, though the
office and other estates had been treated leniently enough,the increased rates
imposed on wet and dry cultivation by natives
did not ufficiently allow for the facts that the labour supply was
scarce; the country very unhealthy; and the ravages of wild animals,
particularly pig, dear and elephants most serious in certain parts.. They pointed out that members of the Chetti
landholding class were now to be seen working for daily wages on coffee
estates, a thing unknown in former days.
Government, however, after considering the whole question at lenth on
several successive occasions, adhered to the view that the assessments on the
whole were not too high and that the considerable relinquishments of wet land
which had undoubtedly occurred were due to the Chittis abandoning worthless
patches now that they had for the first time to pay for all land in their
occupation, and merely for the areas they actually cultivated. .
Chapter
XV of the Book Place names
Pages 312 -344 Coonoor talesuk
Pages 345-to 364 Ootacamund taluk
Pages 365-to 377 Gudalur taluk
The histry of the Wynaad and the derivation of its name
have been given in ChapterII.
Nambalakod :- page (369)
About 51/2 miles north-west of Gudalur and the chief
place in the amsam of the same name. Its
temple to Betarayasami (or Betaikoruman) is of some local repute. The old fort from which it gets its name is
now overgrown with lantana. It was
formerly the residence of the Valavannur referred to in the account of Devala
on P.367.Official papers say that it was one time the whole amsam belonged to
certain Malayarans, who being unable to defend themselves from devastating
hands of free-booters, sought the help of Kurumbarnad Raja who at last agreed
to send his son Valuvannur to rule over them on consideration of seven
granaries as his personal property.
About 1826 the place was held by one Kelukutty Valavannur, who (if not
actually half-witted, as was freely alleged) was so unfitted for his position
that he fell into great financial straits. Certain land alleged to be to be his
hanmam prperty was sold in 1836 by order of the Nilambur Thirumalpad. The next year the Tirumulpad obtained the
assignment of all the rest of the Valavannur`s property but the deed did not
convey any janmam right . Kelukutty died in 1844 leaving a sister named Subadra
and her son. They were living at the
time at Muttil near Gudalur on the charity of the frequenters of the temple and
there is much evidence to show that, like her brother she was of unsound
mind. The Tirumulpad however soon afterwards
induced her and her son to move to Nilambur, where the latter died in
1845. In 1853 the Tirumulpad obtained
from Subadra a deed making over her janam rights in Nambalakod amsam. She died in 1872. At the enquiry held in 1884-85 into escheats
in the Wynaad, Government after much discussion decided not to call in question
the Tirumulpad`s claim to janmam rights throughout the amsam. The Mudumalai forest had been previously {in
1863) leased from him for 99 years.
Gudalur:- Pages
368
The head quarters
of the taluk; lies thirty miles by road from Ootacamund and contains the building (erected in 1866 at
a cost of Rs.20,500 and added to in 1885 at an outlay of Rs. 6.660) in which
the deputy tahsildar (who also the a district Munisif ) and Sherishdar
Magistrate (who is also a Sub Registrar) holds their offices; a D.P.W rest
house and a local fund Travelers bungalow; Protestant and Roman Catholic
Churches and cemeteries ; hospital, a police-station, a post and telegraph office and 2,558
inhabitants. The name is said to mean
junction villages` because the place is built at the junction of the three
roads from Mysore Ootacamund and Sultan Bathery in the Malabar Wynaad
respectively. The public offices and a
few of the houses stand in Bandipet and Kokal, near the junction, but away up
the ghat to the hills, and recent epidemic of plague in the lower quarter(where
also the water supply is wretched} have emphasized the preferences for the higher site.
Every Sunday a market is held in Gudalur. As elsewhere
in the Wynaad, Mappilas from Malabar are the chief traders thereat. It s not as important as it was in the days
when the Wynaad flourished but it still supplies the Ouchterlony Valley and the
estates which survive. The Wynaad does
not grow nearly enough grain for its own consumption and long strings of carts
full of ragi come in weekly from Mysore territory. Numbers of these go on up the ghat to
Naduvattam and Ootacamund for though this is a roundabout route from Mysore it
is preferred by the cartmen owing to the excessive gradients on the shorter
road via the Sigur ghat.The pretestant Church was designed to Colonel Morant,
R.D., the arcgitect of St. George`s Wellington and the channel of All Saints`,
Coonoor, and was consecrated by the Bishop of Madras in 1889. The Protestant cementery was partly
consecrated by him in that year and partly in 1880.
Mudumalai: (Page
A small village of 629 people which gives the name to
the well known Mudumalai forest. In
Mandakrai, a neibouring hamlet,is an enormous tree, probably the biggest in all
the Wynaad, under which lives a God called Bommadan or Bommarayan who is
worshiped by the Chettis. Less than a
mile south of it is a paved spot on which stand a lingam and two Siva`s bulls,
and at Hulisakal is small Siva shrine of cut stone. Appaently the Hulikal of
Sewell`s Lists of Antiquities i, 225.
The Hulikal there mentioned is not to be found. The Siva shrine must be the Bramanical
temple. Mr. Sewell places under
Mudumalai. The temple with inscriptions
at Chikkanalla which is mentioned cannt be traced. Such things are uncomman in Wynaad and are
evidence that the place was formerly more thickly populated than now.
Nellakottai:
Ten miles west of Gudalur on the road to Sultan
Battery. Contains a police-station (two
rooms of which are used as a travelers bungalow) and a post and telegraph
office.This and Ouchterlony Valley are the only two places in the taluk where
planting still flourishes, several coffee estates being in existence round
about here, and a big tea estate and factory at Devershola, three miles nearer
Gudalur. The legend regarding the tank
in the fort which once stood on the site of Woodbrire estate bungalow has
already referred to in the account of Devala.
The fort occupied a most commanding site; the terrace cut in the
hill-side for it still visible; parts of its walls, built of red bricks much
larger than those used nowadays, still stand behind the bungalow; and round
about are fragments of sculptural stone which evidently belonged to temples. The tank is now buried several feet deep in
silt which washed down from the hill above it.
Local accounts say that Tipu also made an effort to obtain the treasure
supposed to be buried in it.
//True
Extract//
.
The earlier British revenue
settlement of the south-east wynaad was carried out about 1806, shortly after
the
death of ‘ the ‘ Pychy rebe’ referred to
on P. 105, by Mr. Warden, the Principal Collector of Malabar, within which
deistrct, the Nilgiri Wynaad the lay.
The method consisted in ascertaining by experiment the produceof seed
sown. In each amsam (In the Nilgiri
Wynaad this was fixed at nine-fold); finding out the number of potis of seed
per acre which ws sown by the ryot (a poti equals 30 seers); multiplying this
by the figure nine (the multiple outturn)to get the gross produces; deducting
therefrom three potis per acre for cultivation expenses; dividing the reminder
eaually between the ryot, the janmi and Government; and commuting the Governments’s
one third at rate varying with local
circumstances. Te obvious disadvantagesf
this method were that it was impossible to find out how much seed really was
sown; that the figure of mulyiple outturn was the same for all soils; good, bad
or indifferent- in each amsam; and that the commutations rate varied
WEEKEND
[The Indian Express Dated 30-04-2004]
CRAVING
FOR A FAIR DEAL
Nilgiris hill district is known for the unique tribal
communities. Apart from the Badagas, whose tribal status is still disputed,
there are Todas, Kurumbas, Panias, Kattunaikar,Kottas and Moundadan Chetty who
make the district rich with their tradition and culture.
While much has been written about different tribal
communities in print media, the only community that has been left out is
Mouadadan Chetty settled Gudalur on the Tamil Nadu Kerala border since time
immemorial, their population is just 5,000.
They speak a dialect which is a mixture of Kannada,Tamil, Malayalam and
Telugu.
In 1967, the government included the community in the
Most Backward Class (MBC). Despite this
most of the people from the community are not aware about the government
departments and the officials, and hence experience much difficulty in getting
`chitta adangal` (land ownership), ration cards, community certificate and
agricultural loans points out C.R.
Krishnan, Adviser , the Nilgiris District Moundadan Chetty Community
Association.
Over the years, the non-tribals like Sri Lankan
repatriates and also people from various parts of Tamil Nadu and Kerala
encroached upon the Section 17 (Jenmam forest lands) and caused much damage to
the environment and ecology of the Nilgiris biosphere by constructing concrete
buildings.But it is also a fact that tribals, including Moundadan Chetty, had
lost their cultivable lands even during the British period due to lock of
education.
The bamboo thatched tiny houses built close to the
paddy fields, and also the unfinished houses made of bricks still stand
testimony to the tribals`interest to protect flora and fauna.
Being one of the educationally and socially most
backward areas, Gudalur region of the Nilgiris district requires the urgent
attention of the Chief Minister for providing facilities lik higher education,
electricity, protected drinking water, better roads and health care so that
tribals could come up in life.
Their basic demands include setting up of a government
arts and science college, polytechnic and an industrial training institute in
Gudalur. Up gradation of Gudalur Govt. Hospital,
provision of patta to the original settlers of Gudalur region and a request to
the Kerala Government to uplift the 102 Moundaan Chetty families living in the
Wayanad district of that state.
//TRUE COPY//
EXCERPTS FROM THE BOOK ON PEOPLE OF
INDIA VOL.II PART III TAMILNADU VOL.II PART III
Pages 1028
to 1030
MOUNDADAN CHETTY
The Moundadan Chetty is also known as the Moundan
Chetty. The community uses Chetty as a
title. It is said their community name
was coined by the British. Since they
lived in the hills, they were known as Malai (mountain) Chetty. Hence, the British called them Mountain
Chettys. The term mountain in time
became corrupted to Moundan and, latter, Moundadan. The community does not have sub groups. Some of them say that they migrated from
Mysore area. Some of them say that are
an aboriginal group from the Nilgiris They live only in the Nilgiri District.Their
concentration is more in Gudalur taluk, particularly in the villages of
Cherumulli, Padanthorai, Puthurvayal, Mudumalai, Sri Madurai, Gudalur, Pandalur
and Nellialam. They inhabit the densely
forested hilly terrain and valley of the Nilgiris. They speak a Kannada dialect among
themselves. They speak both Malayalam and Tamil with others and use the Tamil
or Malayalam script. In the past, the
community had some identifications marks.
The men sported more earrings, nose studs and nose-rings, bracelets and
anklets and clothes similar to those of Kurumba tribe of the Nilgiris. However, they no longer dress like this.
The Moundadn Chetty is no-vegetarian, who eat game,
but not beef. They consume all varieties
of pulses, vegetables, roots and tubers.
Their staple food is rice, ragi
and samai. They prefer coconut oil for coking. Most of the men are occasional drinkers. They generally drink kallu (Toddy) sarayam
(arrack). Elderly women also consume alcoholic drinks during rituals and
festivals. They consume tea, coffee and
milk products. Most of men smoke beedi and cigarettes. Both men and women chew tobacco and betel and
use snuff.
The Moundadan Chetty community is divided into 25 kula or tharavaad clan or lineage or surname). Of these, the Cherumulli Chetty, Kelavatha
Kounder, Kee Chetty, Puttu Chetty and Kodi Chetty are considered to be superior
kulas. The kulas
mainly regulate marriage, alliances and indicate descent. Men generally prefix
the kula names to their personal
names and suffix them unity title. The
Moundadan Chetty has equal status with Badagas, Wynaadan Chetty and
Ezhuthachan. Both nuclear and joint families are found among the Moundadan
Chetty. They do not observe any kind of
avoidance relationship. They have joking relationships between sisters-in-law
and brothers-in-law. Succession is by
the eldest son. Nowadays, a few families
give small shares in the property to daughters.
The Moundadan Chetty follow community level endogamy
and kul level exogamy. They
practice both types of cross-cousin (father's sister’s daughter and
mother's brother's daughter) consanguineous marriages. Junior sororities and senior levirate are
allowed. The age at marriage for girls
is between 18 to 22, while for boys it is between 20 and 27. Marriages are arranged through
negotiation. Both sorrels and
non-sorrels polygene is allowed. The
marital norm is monogamy Their marriage symbols are kumkum (vermilion) and the thali. Traditionally, the Moundadan Chetty does not
pay dowry or bride-price. Divorce is
permitted, with social approval. Only
the husband can initiate divorce.
Children are the responsibility of the parent chosen by their
panchayat. Remarriage is allowed for
widows, widowers and divorcees. Most divorces
are now sought in courts of law.
Traditionally, women have no right to parental
property in the Moundadan Chetty community.
Women participate in all kinds of agricultural operations, animal
husbandry, poultry rearing and other social economic activities. Women have a significant role in their social
functions and religious activities. Most
women work as agricultural or plantation lab ours. A few of them work in private and government
organizations.
The Moundadan Chetty observes a pre-delivery ritual
called Koddai during the eighth month
of a woman's pregnancy. It is celebrated
at her in-laws house. Her parents and
other relatives come to her house and offer ghee-rice and curd rice to the
pregnant woman. She is then taken to her
natal home for the delivery. A Paniaya
midwife is paid in both cash and kind for her services. They don't have any pre-delivery
restrictions, but they strictly observe pos-natal pollution for seven or nine
days. Till the end of pollution, the
mother and the child are kept in seclusion.
On the seventh or ninth day after delivery, a ceremonial bath is given
to the mother and the child... After that, the mother is allowed into the
kitchen and other rooms of the house. On
this day they sprinkle the namlineeru (sacred water brought from the Nambalineeru
Kottai temple) on the mother, child and house. Punyarchanam includes five pacificatory objects, such as gomutra
(cow's urine), halu (milk), dharbha
(sacred grass, mavin yele (mango leaves) and almara (banyan). They conduct punyarchanam to end any kind of pollution. The child is named when it is sic months old,
after an astrologer is consulted.
The child is tonsured at a temple when it is
three. On the same day, they pierce the
earlobes of girl children.
When a girl attains menarche, the Moundadan Chetty
observes puberty rites. The girl's
maternal uncle is the first to be informed that she has become a pushpavathy. He arranges a small temporary hut to be built
outside the house and she is secluded in it for seven days. On the seventh day, she is given a ceremonial
bath to end pollution. After the
ceremonial bath, she goes to the bank of a river or a brook, and performs puja
there. Nambalineeru (sacred water) is
sprinkled on the roof of the house.
After conducting punyarchanam,
the girl is allowed to enter the house.
On the same evening, a small function is conducted (samarsaddai). A feast is given to relatives. On the same day, the maternal uncle may ask
for the girl's hand for his son.
In the past, the Moundadan Chetty conducted marriage
rituals over five days. The rituals on
the five days were neerattu
(ceremonial bath),alangaram,(adornment),
offering of sweets to the bridals couple, worshiping their kula deities and other deities, bhathakattu
(giving paddy to the Paniyan),
offering of sweets, gold ring and chain to the bride and the concluding kanyadhanam (dharavarthu kudupu )
. The wedding feast is given by the
bridegroom's parents. After the
marriage, the couple visits their clan deity's temple or regional diet's
temple. They conduct the santhi muhurtham consummation ceremony) on the third day after marriage,
or on the same day.
// True Excerpts//
3.Time and again the Nilambur
Kovilagam argue that the Nambolakot that they are unconnected to the temple
affairs tai temple and temple property is thieir private property as per the
ex-parte orders of HR& C.E Board Madras in Boar’order No. 24 of 1937 dated
02 07-1937. But the circumstance of the
whole storey of how the said exparte
order was issued is fully supressed. In the afidavite.The copy of the order
marked to one Advocaate C.V. Subramaniam Ayyer of Thambu Chetty Street Madras
(Chennai) will speack why the copy of the order was marked to him. I beg to explain the true position hereunder
In the original Application in O.S. 229 of 1932 an order under 3222 dated
21-1936 had been issued separately to each and every temple situated in
different locality basing ion the
enquiry made by the Inspector of H.R.&C.E. Board that the Nambolakode and
other 8 temples have been declared as
public temples per the following order listed in the Annexure to Boar’s Orders
No.1453 to 1460 of revised order No. 24
of 1937in which Sri Vettkaramkan temple alone is declared as private temple
1. Sri Bommaki temple Mudumalai B.O.
No. 1452/2-7-37. (Recorded File No.3216 dated 21-12-1936)
2.Sri Vetturayaswamy temple
Nambolakottai B.O. No. 1453/2-7-37 ( Recorded File No not known) since
not made available for perusal.
3.Sri Paradevatha temple Chullikunnu
B.O. No. 1454/2-7-37 (Recorded File No not known) since not made available for
perusa.l
4.Sri Bhagavathi Amman temple Manguzhi
B.O. No. 1455/2-7-37 ( Recorded File No3218 dated 21-12-1936).
5.Sri Bhagavthiamman temple Puthur
B.O. No. 1456/2-7-37 ( Recorded File No not known) since not made available for
perusal
6. Sri Eswaraswami temple Kallingarai
B.O. No. 1457/2-7-37 (Recorded File
NoNot known) since not made available for perusal.
7. Sri Krishna
temple Sreemadurai B.O. No. 1458/2-7-37 ( Recorded File No3221 dated
21-12-1936).
8. Sri Vettrayaswamy
temple Ayervilli B.O. No. 1459/2-7-37 ( Recorded File No3223 dated 21-12-1936)
9. Sri Vettarayaswamy temple Devala
B.O. No. 1460/2-7-37 ( Recorded File No 3224 dated 21-12-1936)
To
Thiru P.V. Ravichandran Advocate
Chennai.
Dear Sir,
The particulars obtained from the
H.R.&.C.E. Department under Right to Information Act 2005 about the Nos.
assigned to each of the t emples in
the Main file No. 229/32 & 205/36 are as fallows
Previous
and Fresh Nos. Allotted to each of the se relating to different TEMPLES IN the
case No. 222/32 O.S. 205/36
|
Sl. No.
|
.caNames of the temples
|
Previous Order No and
dated declaring as Public temple
|
Revised order Nos. and
Date
|
|
01
|
SriBommadevar temple
Mudumalai
|
3216 Dt.22-12-36
|
B.O.1452 Dt.02-07-37
|
|
02
|
Sri Vettaraswami
Nambolakottai
|
3222 Dt.22-12--36
|
B.O 1453 Dt. 02-07-37
|
|
03
|
Sri Chullikunnu
Paradevathi temple
|
Any one among
B.O.3217,3219,3220
|
B.O 1454 Dt. 02-07-37
|
|
04
|
Sri Bagavathiamman temple
Manguzhi
|
B.O 3218 Dt.22-12-36
|
B.O 1455 Dt. 02-07-37
|
|
05
|
SriBagavathiamman temple
Puthur
|
Any one among
B.O.32217, 3219, 3220
|
B.O 1456 Dt.02-07-37
|
|
06
|
Sivan TempleKallingarai
|
Any one among
B.O.32217, 3219, 3220
|
B.O 1457 Dt.02-07-37
|
|
07
|
Sri Krishnan temple Sreemaduri
|
3221 Dt.22-12-36
|
B.O 1458 Dt.02-07-37
|
|
08
|
Sri Vettakorman Aaravalli
|
3223 Dt22-12-36
|
B.O 1459 Dt.02-07-37
|
|
09
|
SriVettaikaranwamy
Devala
|
3224 Dt22-12-36
|
B.O 1460 Dt.02-07-37
|
